

















w ' 










. 

















ro THE OFFICERS AND SOLDIERS 


OF THE 

AMERICAN REPUBLIC. 
GALLANT COUNTRYMEN 

WITH that frankness, which in your profession 
is a distinguishing characteristic, I offer this Volume 
to you, without apology . The fame of the exalted 
Chief, who is the subject of it, however imperfectly his 
civil and military character may bepourtrayed, will, 
/ am confident, entitle it to a favourable reception 
from you. 

With admiration for 

your gallant achievements, 

lam your OUt Serv't . 

S. PUTNAM WALDO 


TO THE READER. 


THE high estimation in which Maj. Gen. Andrew 
Jackson, is justly holden by his countrymen, was 
the inducement to present them with the following 
Memoirs of his Life. Ever since his name became 
identified with the glory of his country, the author 
has assiduously sought for the most authentic infor¬ 
mation relative to his origin, and his progress from 
humble life to his present elevation. 

The facts) relative to his parentage, his birth, 
education, and early pursuits, were derived from a 
Southern Correspondent, whose means of knowl¬ 
edge, entitles his communications to the character 
of absolute verity. 

From the early entrance of Gen. Jackson into 
public life, and from the laudable propensity of 
Americans to preserve, in the various periodical 
journals, detached incidents of the lives of Ameri¬ 
can Worthies, it needs only industry and research 
to collate them. The 'manner in which they are 
arranged, and the style in which they are detailed, 
depends wholly upon the author. 

To give additional interest to the volume, a num¬ 
ber of Gen. Jackson’s Official Reports, and some 
selections from his numerous Letters, and Addresses 
are incorporated into the work. They not only 
give the most satisfactory account of the battles in 
which he fought, and the measures he pursued ; 
but they show that he wields the pen of a Scholar, 
as well as the sword of a Soldier. 

Apologies for the defects of the work, cannot re¬ 
move them, and will not be attempted. It is there¬ 
fore submitted to the indulgence of the reader by, 

THE AUTHOR. 

Hartford, (Conn.) Oct. 1818 . 


CONTENTS. 


INTRODUCTION. 

Adoption of American Constitution—Pursuits of Americans 
—Diminution of Military ardour—Declaration of War—mili¬ 
tia—Volunteers—Regular Troops—Andrew Jackson, p 9. 

CHAP. I. 

His family, birth, and early pursuits—Enters into the army of 
the Revolution—is captured by the British—resists an ille¬ 
gal order of a British officer—receives a wound, and is com¬ 
mitted to gaol—loses his surviving brother—his mother dies 
of grief—he completes his literary studies. p. 19 

CHAP. II. 

Incidents of early life—of Andrew Jackson’s—He commences 
and completes the study of law—Patriotism of American 
Lawyers—He commences the practice oflaw, and emigrates 
to the South-West Territory—is appointed Attorney-gene¬ 
ral—member of the Tennessee Convention—a Representa¬ 
tive in Congress—a Senator in Congress—a Judge of the 
Supreme Court in Tennessee—and retires to private life, p.31 

CHAP. III. 

Mr. Jackson’s career in civil life—commencement of his Mil¬ 
itary career—Major-general of Tennessee Militia—Militia 
forces—American Savages—reason for their hatred and 
vengeance against Anglo-Americans. Religious fanaticism 
among them—The Prophet Francis and his brother Tecum- 
seh—Effect of their assumed divinity—Tender of Gen. 
Jackson, and his Volunteers to the government of the U. 
States. p. 40 

CHAP. IV. 

Gen. Jackson and Tennessee Volunteers—Importance of the 
river Mississippi—Mr. Monroe’s solicitude for the security 
of it, and the Western States—Volunteers rendezvous at 
Nashville, Tenn. descend the Ohio and Mississippi—encamp 
-at Natchez—Orderfor their discharge, from Mr. Armstrong 
—disobeyed by Gen. Jackson—Volunteers return to Ten¬ 
nessee, and are discharged—Approbation of the govern¬ 
ment. p. 51, 

CHAP. V. 

Approbation and censure of Gen. Jackson—implacable hos¬ 
tility of savages increased by British and Spanish emiesa- 

^ * 




VI. 


CONTENTS. 


ries, and British ravages—Indian massacre of garrison, wo 
men and children, at Fort Mimms—Expedition from Ten¬ 
nessee against Creeks prepared—Gen. Jackson assumes the 
command—Colonel Coffee—difference between Militia, 
Volunteers, and Regular Troops—Gen. Jackson proceeds to 
Hie frontiers—prepares for active service—Deficiency of pro¬ 
visions—Col. Dyer destroys Littafutches— First victory over 
the Creeks at Tallushatches —Gen. Coffee’s report of it to 
Gen. Jackson. * p. 59 

CHAP. VI. 

Tennessee forces—Collisions in armies—Establishment at 
Fort Strother—Perilous situation of friendly Creeks—Dis¬ 
patch to Gen. White—his conduct—Battle of Talladega — 
Gen. Jackson’s account of it. p. 76 

CIIAP. VII. 

Consequences of Brig. Gen. White’s conduct— Hillabees 
sue for peace to Gen. Jackson—Gen. White destroys their 
towns—Measures of the Georgia Legislature—Victory at 
Auloussee —Brig. Gen. Floyd’s account of it—Gen. Jack¬ 
son’s situation in December, 1813—Mutiny among his 
troops—also in Gen. Coffee’s brigade—dismissal of 
both. * p. 85 

CHAP. VIII. 

Gen. Jackson’s situation at the commencement of 1814—his 
hopes revive—Victory at Eccanachaca , or Holy Ground 
—Witherford, the Indian Prophet—Col. Carroll joins Gen. 
Jackson—Victories at Emuckfaw , Jan. 22d—at Enotachop- 
co , the 24th—Gen. Jackson’s official report of them—Ap¬ 
plause bestowed upon soldiers. p. 97. 

CHAP. IX. 

Gen. Jackson prepares for a new expedition—receives an ac¬ 
count of the victory at Chalahouchee —adopts a new mode 
to obtain supplies—Army Contractors—Energetic meas¬ 
ures—Great victory at Tohopeka —Savage warfare—British 
and Spanish emissaries. p. 118 

CHAP. X. 

Conclusion of Creek War—Return of Gen. Jackson and 
Volunteers—their reception, and separation—Gen. Jack- 
son is appointed Brig. Gen. in U. S. army—also a Com¬ 
missioner to treat with Creek Indians—concludes a treaty 
—Foreign Emissaries—Indian Eloquence—Speech of With- 
erford—of Big Warrior—of Tecumseh, and his death, p. 131 

CHAP. XI. 

Spanish aggressions and perfidy—Gen. Jackson’s measures to 


CONTEXTS. 


VII. 


detect Manrequez, the Governour of Florida—his letter to 
him—Danger of the 7th Military district—Gen. Jackson’s 
appeal to the government—Mr. Monroe’s measures of de¬ 
fence—Attack upon Fort Bowyer—gallant defence of Ma¬ 
jor Lawrence—his official report of it. p. 148 

CHAP. XII. 

Gen. Jackson is appointed Maj. Gen. in U. S. army—Fort 
Bowyer—its importance, and its danger—Gen. Jackson 
determines to reduce Pensacola—Arrival of Gen. Coffee 
with Tennessee Volunteers and Mississippi Dragoons—Cap¬ 
ture of Pensacola—Gen. J ackson’s account of it—Destruc¬ 
tion of the Barancas—He returns to Mobile—Col. Nicoll’s 
proclamation—Remark. p. 166. 

CHAP. XIII. 

Gen. Jackson’s arrival at New-Orleans—perilous situation of 
that place—reliance upon distant forces—his address to the 
people of Louisiana—timidity of the legislature—evidence 
of disaffection, and traitorous conduct—Declaration of Mar¬ 
tial Law—Measures of defence—Arrival of reinforcements 
Landing of the enemy—Battle of the 23d December—Otii- 

' cial report of it. p. 130 

CHAP. XIV. 

Benevolent exertions of the Ladies of New-Orleans—Gen. 
Jackson selects the final position of his army—Loss of the 
naval force—Capt. Patterson—Lieut Jones—Harmony be¬ 
tween land and naval forces—Defence at the mouth of the 
Mississippi—American lines on the east and west side of 
the river described—Battle of the 28th December—of the 
1st. January—Attempts upon the left wing of the American 
army. p. 199 

CHAP. XV. 

Gen. Jackson’s and Sir Edward Pakenham’s armies from the 
1st, to 8th January—Gen. Morgan’s lines—Battle of the 
8th January—Gen. Jackson’s report of it—Gen. Morgan’s 
retreat—Gen. Jackson’s address to the armies—he regains 
the right bank of the Mississippi—Bombardment, and at¬ 
tack upon Fort St. Philips—Maj. Overton’s report to Gen. 
Jackson. p- 213 

CHAP. XVI. 

Situation of the armies after the battle of the 8th January— 
‘Melancholy and distressing scene—Operations at the mouth 
of the Mississippi—Departure of the enemy—Gen. Jack- 
son’s address to the American troops—Disparity in the loss 
*>f the two armies. p. 235 


VI!!. 


CONTENTS 


CHAP. XVII. 

Gen. Jackson appoints a day of Thanksgiving and Praise, for 
the Victories obtained, and for the preservation of the city, 
upon the 23d January—Doct. Dubourg’s address—the gen¬ 
eral’s answer—continues his exertions to render the coun¬ 
try more secure—Surrender of Fort Bowyer—Peace pro¬ 
claimed—Discharge of troops—Gen. Jackson’s address to 
them—Remark. p. 245 

CHAP. XVIII. 

Recapitulation of facts relative to the proclamation of Mar¬ 
tial Law, writ of habeas corpus , LouaiUier y and Judge Hall 
—Arrest of Gen. Jackson—his defence, conviction and fine 
—Trial by jury—Popular feeling—-Moderation of Gen. 
Jackson-he advises to a sacred regard for civil power, p. 257 

CHAP. XIX. 

Gen. Jackson retires from New Orleans—arrives at Nashville, 
his place of residence—Reflection—He receives a message 
to repair to the seat of government, to assist in arranging the 
Peace Establishment of the U. S. army—Difficulty of that 
duty—Votes of thanks, &c. to Gen. Jackson—he repairs to 
the seat of government—Civilities received upon his pas¬ 
sage, and on his arrival—Returns to his head-quarters at 
Nashville, and in 1816, repairs to New Orleans, and ar¬ 
ranges the army. p. 271 

CHAP. XX. 

Gen. Jackson negociates a treaty for extinguishment of Indian 
titles to land—Issues an order relative to this subject—Re¬ 
ceives a silver vase from the Ladies of South Carolina, &c 
—Returns to Nashville—Issues an important general order 
—Prepares to defend his Division—Commencement of 
Seminole War—Gen. Gaines attacks the Seminoles—Gen. 
Jackson addresses the “Tennessee Volunteers” repairs to 
Georgia—and enteis with his army into Florida—Justifica¬ 
tion of that measure—he captures St. Marks. p. 283 

CHAP. XXI. 

Gen. Jackson at Fort St. Marks, Florida—captures and exe¬ 
cutes Francis the Prophet, and an Indian Chief—at the same 
place, takes Arbuthnot and Ambristie—details a general 
court-martial for their trial—trial of Arbuthnot and Am¬ 
bristie—Remark—Gen. Jackson marches for Pensacola— 
captures it—appoints Col. King to the command of it, and 
retires to Nashville, Tenn. 301. 

CONCLUSION. 

Incident* of Gen. Jackson’s life—his character. p. 331 


INTRODUCTION. 


\doption of American Constitution—Pursuits of Americans— 
Diminution of Military ardour—Declaration of War—Mili¬ 
tia—Volunteers—Regular Troops—Andrew Jackson. 

FROM the conclusion of the War for Ameri¬ 
can Independence, to the commencement of that 
war which secured it, the Americans were almost 
wholly diverted from the study of military tactics, 
and no opportunity had occurred to call into ope¬ 
ration the military science acquired in the revolu¬ 
tionary struggle. The mild arts of peace were sub¬ 
stituted for the ruthless carnage of war ; and a 
rising people, who had severed the ligament that 
bound them to an European monarch, commenced 
the enjoyment of self-government. 

To organize a Republic, consisting of a confed¬ 
eracy of a number of distinct governments, having 
different, and in some respects contending interests, 
was a task which required, and called forth the 
science and the energies of the first statesmen which 
the world had produced. 

Upon the conclusion of that war, the people of 
the American Republic, as it regarded a form of 
government, were “ in a state of nature .” Des¬ 
titute of a government of their own making, 
they had before them the lights of antiquity, and 


10 


INTRODUCTION. 


the practical knowledge of modern ages. With 
the scrutinizing research of statesmen, and the 
calm deliberation of philosophers they proceeded 
to establish a constitution of Civil Government, as 
the supreme law of the land. The establishment 
of this constitution is, perhaps, without a parallel 
in the history of the civilized world. It was not 
the unresisted mandate of a successful usurper, nor 
was it a government imposed upon the people by 
a victorious army. It was digested by profound 
statesmen, who aimed to secure all the rights of 
the people who had acquired them, by their toil, 
their courage, and their patriotism. They aimed 
also to give to the government, sufficient energy to 
command respect. 

To the people of the American Republic, a Con¬ 
stitution was presented for their deliberation, and 
for their adoption. It was adopted, not with en¬ 
tire unanimity, but by a majority of the people, 
sufficiently respectable to give its operation a 
promising commencement. The people, having 
emancipated themsslves from the power of a 
British rnonarrh—having successfully resisted his 
lords and his commons, looked with jealousy upon 
those who were called to the exercise of the pow¬ 
er which they had themselves delegated to their 
own countrymen. The excellency of the consti¬ 
tution was tested by the practical application 
of its principles ; and the patriotism and integrity 


INTRODUCTION. 


1 i 


oi all the early officers who derived their power 
from it, were acknowledged by their admiring 
countrymen. 

The people, having witnessed the establishment 
of a republican government, of their own choice, 
relapsed from the energetic character of republican 
soldiers, to the more gentle ones, of agriculturalists, 
merchants and mechanics. 

Agriculturalists found a capacious field for the 
exercise of their pursuits in the widely extended 
and fertile regions of the Republic. Land specu¬ 
lation became the business of the few, who had 
adequate funds, and the conversion of the wilder¬ 
ness into fertile fields, the pursuits of those who 
had industry and enterprise. 

The Merchants found a world before them as the 
theatre upon which their energies were to be ex¬ 
erted. Enjoying peace with all nations, while 
other nations were contending with each other for 
dominion or wealth, the merchants of the Repub¬ 
lic became the carriers for the commercial world. 
Into their employ they drew thousands of their 
countrymen, and soon rendered the American 
States the second nation in the world, in point of 
commercial consequence. 

Manufacturers began to struggle for the rank 
which they hold in many of the countries in the 
old world. It was long an ineffectual struggle— 
But as the “ restrictive system ” was deemed neces- 


12 


INTRODUCTION. 


sary from the unceasing encroachments of Europe 
an governments upon the commercial rights of 
America, they rapidly advanced in wealth, and gave 
employ to a numerous class of citizens. 

These three great objects of pursuit, embraced 
the whole American people, if we except those of 
the learned professions. These employments were 
all calculated to divert attention from military tac¬ 
tics, and to confine it rather to the accumulation of 
wealth, than to the advancement of national glory, 
by military achievements. In addition to this, the 
very nature of the American Constitution, was 
calculated to repress military ardour, being more 
calculated to make happy citizens , than renowned 
soldiers. The surviving patriots of the revolution 
were following each other in rapid succession to the 
tomb, and the rising youth of America were sel¬ 
dom aroused to patriotism by the tales of the revo¬ 
lutionary contest. 

Sudden wealth was the result of the exertions of 
the different classes of Americans. The voluptu¬ 
ousness and effeminacy, usually attendants upon 
the possession of it, were rapidly diminishing that 
exalted sense of national glory, for which the Sax- 
ons , the ancient stock from which Americans 
and Englishmen trace their origin, were always 
celebrated. 

As the collisions between the American Repub¬ 
lic, and the British empire, began to assume an 


INTRODUCTION. 


13 


hostile aspect, frequent negotiations were commen¬ 
ced, and as often terminated in widening the breach 
between the two governments. 

The murder of Pierce , by order of a British naval 
officer, although from the tranquillized and almost 
paralized state of public feeling, it did not excite 
the same indignation as the massacre of Boston 
citizens, by British troops before the revolutionary 
war, yet it was no less an outrage upon humanity 
and national dignity, than that barbarous deed. 

The constant impressment of American seamen, 
although in its character a less sanguinary violation 
of national and individual rights, was a more widely 
extended injury. “ The social body is oppressed, 
when one of its members is oppressed.” That 
nation can hardly be said to be independent, who 
will acquiesce in an injury committed upon one of 
its citizens by another nation, it was an aphorism 
of the great Hollander, De Witt —“ That no inde¬ 
pendent nation ought tamely to submit to a breach oj 
equity and justice , from another , however unequal 
the powers.”* Although an injury to individuals, 
is an injury to the nation ; yet in the attack upon 
the Chesapeake , a national vessel, the national dig¬ 
nity w r as directly insulted. To impress seamen 
from a U. S. frigate, belonging to an infant navy, 
whose gallantry in the Mediterranean, had excited 
the admiration and even the jealousy of Nelson, 


* History of Holland. 


INTRODUCTION. 


1 4 

S 

produced ;i ferment in the American Republic 
which could never subside until ample reparation 
was obtained. 

The orders in Council—new and unauthorised 
principles of blockade , and an invasion of the rights 
of neutrals , added to the other injuries mentioned, 
and to w hich might be added many more, compelled 
the great council of the Republic to resort to meas¬ 
ures more efficient than non-intercourse , embargoes 
and negociations. 

Facts will justify the assertion, that upon the 
momentous question w'hether War or Submission 
should be resorted to by America, the American 
people were divided in opinion ; and this division 
of opinion was ascertained by a knowledge of the 
two great political parties in the Republic. The 
Republican party exclaimed, with an ancient Ro¬ 
man, “ Our voice is still for War.” The Federal 
party, with another Roman, exclaimed, “ Our 
thoughts , we must confess , are turned to Peace.” 

The justice, necessity, or expediency of the se¬ 
cond war between the American Republic and the 
Kingdom of Great Britain, cannot be discussed in 
' this place ; and it might be deemed arrogance to 
attempt it at all, at this period of time. The 
authorities who alone had power “ to declare War,” 
made the declaration ; and to the American people 
were they responsible for the great and important 


measure 


INTRODUCTION. 


16 


It may not be inapposite to remark in this place, 
that a systematic opposition to government is un¬ 
known in every part of the civilized world, except¬ 
ing in America and in England. This does not 
arise from any deficiency of national feeling: for 
no two nations on earth are more devoted to nation¬ 
al glory than Americans and Englishmen ; but it 
arises from that jealousy which intelligence and an 
exalted sense of liberty always produce in the gov¬ 
erned towards their governours. Having one com¬ 
mon origin, but no longer any common interest, let 
the citizens of the American Republic, and the 
subjects of the British Monarch, judge for them¬ 
selves which government most consults the happi¬ 
ness of the people, and upon which side of the 
Ulantic the greatest freedom is enjoyed. 

Until the declaration of the last war, the energy 
of the American constitution had never been tested. 
Under its benign influence the people had suddenly 
arisen from infancy to manhood—from vassalage to 
freedom—from national penury to national wealth. 
Its provisions were found abundantly adequate for 
the government of a great and growing people in a 
state of peace. The jealousy or the fears of 
’he framers of this inimitable compact, had res¬ 
tricted the military power. It permitted the Cap¬ 
tain-general of the militia of the United States, 
after proper advice to call them into action, to 
“ execute the laws of the union—suppress in- 


INTRODUCTION. 


1C 

surrections—and repel invasions ant] even this 
limited power became the subject of animated dis¬ 
cussion. 

At the commencement of the war, we had no- 
thing that gave any idea of a Standing Army. 
Six thousand troops dispersed over a country, half 
that number of miles in length and in width, pre¬ 
sented nothing but the fractured skeleton of an ar 
my. The American militia, although perhaps the 
best in the world, were organized by the different 
states ; from the different state governments deri¬ 
ved their authority, and had different attachments 
and different interests. An hundred thousand of 
them were drafted by the national authority to hold 
themselves in readiness to take the field at a mo¬ 
ment’s warning. But the history of modern tac'- 
tics shows that the trade of war is not learned in a 
moment. Fifty thousand Volunteers were invited to 
enrol themselves for the public defence ; but the 
amount and efficiency of this species of force de¬ 
pended upon the opinion of the people in regard to 
the justice of the war, and of the rectitude of the 
administration. Enlistments , from which alone an 
efficient army, for any considerable length of time 
can be produced, were authorised. In some sec¬ 
tions of the country, the best blood in them was 
aroused to patriotism, and the most distinguished 
citizens flew to the standard of the Republic. In 
others, it was considered a disgrace to aid, either 


INTRODUCTION. 


IT 


by men or money , what w r as openly pronounced to 
be an “ unjust , unnatural , wicked, and cruel war." 

From such discordant materials, was the Ameri¬ 
can army of 1812, and 1813, composed. Although 
the melancholy catalogue of disasters in the cam¬ 
paigns of those years, was occasionally gilded by 
achievements of resplendent glory ; yet, until the 
commencement of the campaign of 1814, the Amer¬ 
ican armies had added but few laurels to those ac¬ 
quired in the war of the revolution. A new era 
in the military history of America then commenced. 
As the gathering storm, which had, for two years, 
hung over what was deemed in Europe, the devoted 
Republic of America, increased in darkness and 
horror, the character of the rising generation of 
Americans developed itself. A constellation of 
heroes suddenly arose and illuminated the hemis¬ 
phere of the western world. They conquered gen¬ 
erals who had become familiar with victory in the 
old world—secured for their country the indepen¬ 
dence acquired in the revolution, and for them¬ 
selves, fame, as lasting as immortality. 

Major General ANDREW JACKSON, the sub¬ 
ject of the following Memoirs, deservedly holds a. 
distinguished rank amongst the veteran officers of 
the American Republic, in the last war. But while 
almost every American is anxious to join his indi¬ 
vidual note, to the harmonious concord of applause 
bestowed upon this distinguished chieftain, few 

2 * 


18 


INTRODUCTION, 


know the arduous toils, the severe privations and 
the excessive fatigues, by which he acquired his 
fame. The writer will endeavour in a manner as 
perspicuous as he is able, to do it ; and from mate¬ 
rials of unquestionable authenticity, to present the 
reader, in the following volume, a brief Biography 
of this American Hero. If the delineations will 
not be so minute as they might be in a more volu¬ 
minous work, it is hoped the prominent features of 
this great man’s life and character, in his civil and 
military career, will be presented in their proper 
light and shade. 


MEMOIRS 


OF 

ANDREW JACKSON, 

His family, birth, and early pursuits—Enters into the army 
of the Revolution—is captured by the British—resist* 
an illegal order of a British officer—receives a wound, 
and is committed to gaol—loses his surviving brother 
—his mother dies of grief—he completes his literary 
studies. 

THE birth places of statesmen, heroes, and 
poets, have often been subjects of historical inves¬ 
tigation, and not unfrequently of warm dispute. 
Seven cities of Greece claimed the honor of giving 
birth to Homer. The birth of illustrious men cer¬ 
tainly imparts a consequence to the places of their 
nativity ; and oftentimes the only consequence they 
possess. An English civilian will visit the birth¬ 
place of Alfred —the soldier that of Marlborough- 
the poet those of Shakespeare and Milton. Amer¬ 
icans, although comparatively a new people , can 
scarcely travel in any section of their extensive Re¬ 
public, but they can point to the place where some 
of its great benefactors were born. The catalogue 
would swell the volume. Among the first Statesmen 
in the world, might be mentioned the members of the 


20 


MEMOIRS or 


Old Congress —Among Heroes , the officers of the 
Army of the Revolution —Among Poets , a con¬ 
stellation of geniuses, to whom posterity will award 
the meed of praise. 

No sooner had ANDREW JACKSON began to 
achieve those deeds of valour which furnished a 
sure presage of future eminence, than Englishmen 
and Scotsmen , claimed him as a native-born subject . 
They once claimed Gen. Washington. Irishmen 
omitted to assert their claim to his nativity ; but he 
was of Irish extraction although born in America. 
His grandfather was one of the victims at the 
siege of Carrickfergus , in Ireland ; and all his an¬ 
cestors, being among the humbler classes of Irish¬ 
men, endured the sufferings which that ill-fated and 
oppressed people have long endured from some of 
the Irish nobility, born in the bosom of that coun¬ 
try ; and from English noblemen sent there to gov¬ 
ern them. 

His father, Andrew Jackson, emigrated to Amer 
ica with his wife and two sons in the year 1765. 
Desirous that his rising family should escape from 
the oppression of the English government in Eu¬ 
rope, he came to this country as an asylum from 
the rod of abused power. He landed at Charles¬ 
ton in the state of South-Carolina, and soon after es¬ 
tablished himself at a settlement formerly called 
Waxsaw , now the district of Marion. 

-- His youngest son, and the subject of these Me¬ 
moirs, was born at that place upon the 15th March, 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


21 


1767. He began to anticipate a happy close to the 
evening of his days in his own domestic circle, 
in a land of freedom. But before the British gov- 
ernment commenced the same systematic oppress- 
sion of their subjects in their American colonies, 
as they had long exercised over its subjects in 
Ireland , death removed him from the storm which 
soon after began to hang over them. He left an 
unprotected wife and three young children to en¬ 
dure the bufferings of it. He died at near the close 
of the year 1767. 

His surviving children, Hugh , Robert , and An¬ 
drew, became the objects of the tender solicitude 
of their mother. Having a small patrimony left 
them, their mother with unceasing assiduty, en¬ 
deavoured to procure for them the rudiments of 
an English education. Situated in a country where 
she could claim connection with no human being 
but her three sons ; the eldest but little advanced 
from infancy, and the youngest an infant, her situa¬ 
tion required the highest exercise of female forti¬ 
tude and vigilance. But having recently emigrated 
from a country where the few roll in splendour 
through life, and the many begin and end it amidst 
sufferings, she felt animated at the idea that she 
was in a country where the rod of the great, or 
what is worse, the rod of the petty tyrant could not 
reach her or her offspring. 

For a number of years, no event happened to 
disturb the tranquillity of this venerable matron or 


32 


JttEMOIRS QV 


her children. By the judicious management of a 
small estate, she was enabled to aid her sons in the 
prosecution of their studies. She omitted no oppor¬ 
tunity to detail to them the tragical scenes through 
which their early ancestors had passed in Ireland, 
in the stubborn r* distance they always maintained 
against oppression. The youthful reader of histo¬ 
ry, may he made to glow with indignation at the 
tales of oppression. But the most pathetic des¬ 
cription of the historian is tameness itself -when 
compared with the relations of those who have 
themselves passed through the scenes of sufferings 
inflicted by dying won upon dying rnen. The nar¬ 
rations of Mrs. Jackson, must have aroused the 
feelings of her sons to the highest pitch of enthu¬ 
siasm against the tyrants who had blasted the 
hopes, and destroyed the lives of their ancestors. 
She little thought, perhaps, while she was infusing 
into the tender bosoms of her sons the ardour of 
patriotism, that she would live to see tw'o of them 
fall victims in its holy cause. 

Hugh and Robert , not being designed for either 
of the learned professions, obtained no other edu¬ 
cation than what the common schools at that pe¬ 
riod afforded. Andrew, the youngest son, was, bv 
his excellent mother designed for the ministry. In 
the Waxsaw settlement, about forty miles from 
Camden, was established an academical institution, 
in which the learned languages, and the higher 
branches of education were taught. As the In- 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


£3 


struelor of Andrew Jackson, if he be at this time 
in life, will rejoice in the celebrity of his pupil, it 
is but justice to remark that this academy, at the 
time he commenced his literary pursuits, afforded 
the best means of instruction in the section of the 
country in which he was born. The preceptor of 
it was a Mr. Humphries , whose Christian name is 
unknown to the writer. Under his tuition, the 
subject of these memoirs, having before enjoyed 
no other advantages than what the ordinary schools 
imparted, began the study of the classics. He here 
continued assiduously to pursue his studies, until 
the Vandal progress of the British armies, in the 
revolutionary war, brought them to that part of 
South Carolina, in which the family of Jackson 
were situated. 

Mrs. Jackson once more beheld the arm of Brit¬ 
ish power uplifted in wrath over her adopted coun¬ 
try, as she had before beheld it raised over the land 
of her nativity. The American forces were com¬ 
pelled, in that section of the country, to retreat be¬ 
fore a power which they could not then resist. Her 
eldest son had before enrolled himself in the armies 
of the Republic, and lost his life in its cause at the 
battle of Stono. Andrew had arrived to the age of 
fourteen years ; and, with his surviving brother 
Robert, was impelled, by the exalted sentiments of 
liberty and independence which he had learned 
from his motheT, to fly to the America standard. 


MEMOIRS OF 


2-4 

The scanty details which are yet received of th.e 
revolutionary contest, deprives me of the pleasure 
of mentioning the regiment and the commander of 
it, in which Andrew Jackson commenced his mili¬ 
tary career at the early age of fourteen. Suffice it 
to say, that at that age, with his only brother, Rob¬ 
ert, he entered into the American service prepar¬ 
ed, if such were'the decrees of fate, to follow their 
elder brother into eternity in resisting tyrannical 
power. Effectual resistance, at that period, was 
impossible ; and the slender forces of America, in 
S. Carolina , were compelled to retire before the 
formidable power of lord Cornwallis , into the inte¬ 
rior of N. Carolina. This confident representative 
of British power, finding no force at that time to 
resist him, left the country—leaving behind him 
the wide-spread tracks of desolation in every part 
of it. The once tranquil and happy settlers of 
tVaxsaw returned to a place which was once a 
home. The deep marks of British rapacity were 
visible in every part of the settlement ; and the 
effects of Vandal warfare were every where to be 
seen. 

Lord Rowden was in possession of Camden , and 
no sooner learned that the dispersed inhabitants of 
Wax saw were again returned, than he availed him¬ 
self of the assistance of American tories to complete 
their extermination. A British major, by the name 
of Coffin , was the commander of this expedition. 
The inhabitants, who might all be said to belong to 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


Che forlorn hope, determined to make at least a 
shew of resistance. They assembled at the Wax- 
saw meeting-house, to which was attached the acad¬ 
emy of Mr. Humphries, in which Andrew Jack- 
son had devoted himself to literature. Here they 
awaited the augmentation of their force by the ar¬ 
rival of their friends, and the expected approach of 
the enemy. The hopes of this resolufe and patriot¬ 
ic band of American heroes were elated at the dis¬ 
tant approach of a body of citizens. At this peri¬ 
od, the American troops could hardly be said to 
have had an uniform ; but the well known insignia 
of the British troops enabled the people to designate 
them at sight. While the little phalanx of Wax- 
saw , expected to be joined by their friends, what 
was their astonishment when they found themselves 
surrounded by a ferocious clan of American tories, 
covered at a little distance by British dragoons ? 
The conquest was an easy one—resistance would 
have been desperation—Eleven of the Americans 
w'ere captured, and the rest, among whom were An¬ 
drew' Jackson and his brother, escaped, and con¬ 
cealed themselves in the adjoining forests. 

Although this is no place for reflections, yet no 
opportunity should be unimproved to express the 
ineffable contempt and utter detestation in which 
the tories, in the revolutionary struggle, ought for 
ever to be holdejn. Had they merely joined the 
British standard through fear of its power, they 
might at least have been entitled to contemptuous 


26 


MEMOIRS OF 


pity ; but when it is remembered that they imbru 
ed their hands in the blood of their brethren, it 
would be a prostitution of charity to extend it to 
them. 

The next dav after this affair at the Waxsaw 

*/ 

church, many of the wandering heroes who escap¬ 
ed from it, were captured by the British dragoons ; 
and among them were Andrew Jackson and his 
brother Robert. Immediately after they were 
taken prisoners, an event took place which devel¬ 
oped the future character of Jackson ; and shewed, 
that though a boy, he gave the world “ assurance 
of the man.” A British officer, having in pursuit 
of prisoners soiled his boots, ordered him to clean 
them. Flushed with indignation at the command, 
he decidedly refused to obey, and demanded the 
treatment due to a prisoner of war. Enraged at 
what would have excited the admiration of a 
generous bosom, the officer, with a drawn sword, 
made a violent pass at Jackson’s head. Desti¬ 
tute of any weapon of defence, he parried the 
stroke with his hand, in which he received a se¬ 
vere wound. Thus early in life did Jackson be¬ 
come a soldier of the Republic and an unalterable 
enemy of Britain. It will be seen in the sequel 
how essentially he has served the one, and how 
completely he has avenged the injuries he receiv¬ 
ed from the other. 

The gallant Jackson forgot the wound he receiv¬ 
ed himself in his solicitude for his brother, who re- 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


27 

eeived at the same time a much severer one in the 
head after he was taken prisoner. They were 
both committed to gaol with their wounds undress¬ 
ed ; and what would suffuse the cheek of a barba- 

# 

rian with a blush, they were deprived of the only 
consolation that remained—that of sympathising 
with, and consoling each in their calamities—they 
were confined in different apartments ! They were 
here incarcerated until exchanged for British pris¬ 
oners, a few of whom were taken near Camden. 
The exchange of these gallant youths was a pre¬ 
sage to one of them to exchange worlds. The 
wound of Robert proved mortal ; not so much from 
its original severity, as from the barbarous neglect 
of it while in prison. It occasioned an inflamma¬ 
tion in the brain ; and very soon after he obtained 
his freedom, death relieved him from one of the 
greatest calamities incident to man. The venera¬ 
ble mother, having laboured incessantly for the re¬ 
lief of the American prisoners—having seen her 
prospects of temporal happiness totally blighted— 
disconsolate and broken hearted, she soon followed 
her second son into eternity. She died near Char¬ 
leston, S. C. 

Andrew Jackson, now a youth of fifteen, found 
himself alone in the world. With no being in the 
country in which he was born, could he claim affin¬ 
ity or relationship. His constitution was impaired 
by recent toil, and cruel imprisonment. The an¬ 
guish he felt at the fate of his whole family, must 


28 


MEMOIRS Of 


have been excruciating in the extreme. To make 
the full cup oi human calamity overflow, he wat 
violently seized with the small pox, which brought 
him to the very jaws of death, and he narrowly 
escaped the grave to which all his family had been 
consigned. 

The estate of his father was now in his sole pos¬ 
session. Although not large, it was sufficient, with 
that careful attention, and prudent calculation 
which a man of mere monied business always un¬ 
derstands, to have enabled him to complete his 
education, and to have had a competency remain¬ 
ing. But Andrew Jackson was not born for the 
counting room ; and never thought of those day¬ 
book and ledger calculations which are within the 
reach of the most moderate capacity ; but which 
often, and almost invariably divert the mind from 
the nobler pursuits of literary reputation and milita¬ 
ry fame. These had now become his objects. If 
he had had a discreet steward to manage his estate., 
it would have been a pecuniary advantage unques¬ 
tionably ; but in his hands , it was a sort of incum¬ 
brance upon his mind : and until it was removed, 
operated as a check upon its excursions. At this 
period of his life, he thought little of that indepen¬ 
dence in regard to money, which the younger Lyt- 
tleton, emphatically pronounces ‘ the rock of life.’ 
With a profusion at which prudence would frown, 
and at which genius would smile, he reduced himself 
to a situation which compelled him to become—- 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


29 


' Quisque suce fortunce faber ,”—(in every situation, 
the builder of his own fortune.) 

At about sixteen years of age, he returned to his 
literary pursuits ; making them however, as it 
would seem from his subsequent course, secondary 
to his paramount desire for a military life. His 
second instructor was a Mr. McCulloch. With 
him he renewed the study of the languages, and 
other studies preparatory to his entrance at an uni¬ 
versity. His attention was by no means confined 
to the mere prescribed duty enjoined by his pre¬ 
ceptor. He was not one of those unambitious 
pupils who concluded that enough was done when 
his lesson was committed to memory ; and that he 
was a linguist and a mathematician, because he 
could distinguish between a dactyl and a spondee — 
betw r een a single and a double equation. His studies 
were as diversified as the suggestions of his inclina¬ 
tion ; and he ventured to explore those regions of 
literature to which his native genius pointed out 
the avenues. Such a course of study would never 
have made him a popular tutor in an university ; 
but it was calculated to make him a general , if not 
a particular scholar. He continued his literary 
pursuits until he arrived at the age of eighteen.. 
Finding his patrimony diminished, from expendi¬ 
tures of it, he reliqnished his intentions of enter¬ 
ing an university. At the same time he relinquished 
his intentions, if he ever had any, of entering into 


30 


MEMOIRS OF 


“ holy orders.” It was the wish of his deceased 
mother that he might become a minister of the 
gospel ; but he was fully aware that if he had been 
consecrated to that sacred profession, it would have 
rendered it incompatible with his duties, to avenge, 
with his sword, the injuries he and his family had 
sustained from it. Andrew Jackson was brought 
into existence to discharge other duties than those 
which belong to the sacred profession ; and al¬ 
though the church may regret that he had not 
brought his splendid talents into its divine service ; 
the state and the army may both acknowledge the 
services he has rendered them not only with grati¬ 
tude but with admiration. 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


31 


CHAPTER II. 

Incidents of early life—of Andrew Jackson’s—He commences 
and completes the study of law—Patriotism of American 
lawyers—He commences the practice of law, and emigrates 
to the South West Territory—is appointed Attorney-gene¬ 
ral—member of the Tennessee Convention—a Representa¬ 
tive in Congress—a Senator in Congress—a Judge of tire 
Supreme Court in Tennessee and retires to private life. 

IN the preceeding chapter, the reader has been 
made acquainted with the origin of Andrew Jack- 
son—his early pursuits, and the most interesting 
incidents of his juvenile years. It has been fre¬ 
quently remarked, and always with truth, that those 
who have distinguished themselves in the science of 
war, have discovered the bias of the mind to the 
profession of arms in the early stages of life. The 
biographies of the great military and naval charac¬ 
ters of Europe furnish numerous instances of the 
truth of this remark. At seventeen Bonaparte a 
cadet in the military academy, in resentment of an 
affront, thrust his sword into a balloon, ready to as¬ 
cend for the gratification of Louis XVI. whose 
throne he afterwards occupied. Nelson, at a still 
earlier period of life, encountered a bear upon the 
frozen ocean. So unhappily deficient are the bio¬ 
graphical sketches of American worthies, that the 
present generation know little of the gigantic states¬ 
men and heroes who lived in the last. The truth 


32 


MEMOIRS OF 


of the remark is established as it relates to Wash¬ 
ington and Putnam. The first in early life, dis- 
covered the cool and regulated courage of a great 
commander ; and the last, at twelve, when visiting 
Boston for the first time, encountered and conquer¬ 
ed an enemy double his age and size. He also in 
youth “ carried the ring ” at gymnastic exercises, 
and destroyed a wolf in his den, at the hazard of 
liis own life. The incident mentioned of Jackson, 
is evincive of his whole character—he resisted the 
exercise of unauthorised power in a British officer, 
and demanded justice for himself and and his fellow 
prisoners. When it is considered that the power 
of the British army was at that time irresistible— 
that the tories were numerous—that they violated 
all the rules of civilized warfare, and that Jackson 
was less than fourteen years of age, and subject to 
all their cruelty and ferocity, his firmness excites 
admiration. 

In 1784, he commenced the study of law under 
the instruction and direction of Spruce M'-Cay Es¬ 
quire, at Salisbury, North Carolina. It is but jus¬ 
tice to the profession of law, to remark, that among 
its members in America and England, have always 
been found the most energetic advocates of the 
rights of the people. As a corrupt ministry have 
encroached upon the constitutional rights of the 
people, English and Irish advocates have thrown a 
shield before the designated victims of ministerial 
vengeance, and persuaded juries to save their fellow 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


men from Botany-Bay and the gibbet. The names 
of Erskine and Gibbs are dear to Englishmen—-Our- 
and Grattan to Irishmen. 

At the commencement of the revolution, the 
members of the American bar, almost without ex¬ 
ception, arranged themselves upon the side of their 
country ; and by their examples, as well as their 
eloquence, aroused the sacred flame of patriotism 
in the bosoms of their oppressed countrymen. 
Their conduct drew from the eloquent Burke, one 
of his finest encomiums, in the British house of 
commons. To their honor let it be said, that at 
the commencement of the last war, which secured 
the independence acquired by the army of the 
revolution, they again espoused the cause of the 
Republic. They not only thundered defiance to 
our inveterate enemy in the Senate, but many pla¬ 
ced themselves in the embattled ranks of their 
countrymen. A number of them fell victims to their 
courage, whose memories will forever be cherish¬ 
ed—a number of them still survive, and still grace 
the army of the Republic. A Jackson, a Macomb, 
a Gaines, a Scott, and a Ripley, will not suffer by 
a comparison with the first soldiers in the universe, 
and it is believed they were all members of the bar 
when they entered the army. Mr. Jackson com¬ 
pleted the study of law with John Stokes , Esquire, 
and was licensed as a practitioner in 178G. He 
presented himself at the bar at an age when most 
students commence the study of law. The part of 


<34 


MEMOIRS OE 


the country in which he was situated, afforded but 
a slender prospect of success ; but while it prevent¬ 
ed him from enjoying the profits of the practice , it 
enabled him to become more familiar with the 
theory of the law. 

In 1738, the course of emigration was from 
the Atlanic states to the waters of the Mississippi. 
The present state of Tennessee was then a territo¬ 
rial government of the United States called the 
South West Territory , having been recently organ¬ 
ized by Congress. The climate was salubrious, the 
soil was fertile, and it was rapidly emerging from a 
wilderness state, to a state of civilization. Mr. 
Jackson, with that spirit of adventure which is in 
him a striking characteristic, resolved to leave a 
country which offered but few inducements to de * 
tain him in it. 

The honourable Judge J\TNairy was appointed 
judge of this territory in 1788, and was accompa¬ 
nied by Mr. Jackson to Nashville, at which place 
they arrived in October of that year, when the first 
supreme court was holden. He here found himself 
among a people entirely different in manners, cus¬ 
toms, and habits, from those he had recently left. 
In the older states, where one generation of inhabi¬ 
tants have followed another in regular succession, 
there are always some distinguishing characteristics 
in the whole population. But in the new states, the 
traveller of observation can hardly discover any es¬ 
tablished character in the people, but that of energy 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


3d 


and personal independence. In those parts of the 
Republic which have been settled for two centu¬ 
ries, a family, a monied, or a landed aristocracy, 
can always be discovered. The many become 
subservient to the few, and subjugate their minds 
to those who by wealth or power, have obtained 
the ascendancy over them. In such a state of so¬ 
ciety, an insulated being, like Andrew Jackson, 
without the influence of friends to aid him, or with¬ 
out funds to procure them, can hardly hope, witl* 
the most gigantic powers, to place himself in eligi¬ 
ble circumstances. Far otherwise is the case in the 
new states. Drawn together from different sections 
of our extensive country, from motives of interest, 
of power, or of fame, each individual may almost be 
said to make a province by himself. In such a sit¬ 
uation, the most energetic character becomes the 
object of the greatest popular favour. In this 
sphere was Jackson exactly calculated to move. 
Without any extrinsic advantages to promote his 
advancement, he had to rely solely upon intrinsic 
worth and decision of character, to enable him to 
rise rapidly with a rapidly rising people. 

The place of his nativity could not be recollected 
without the most distressing association of ideas. 
His whole family, excepting his father, who may be 
said to have died a natural death, there fell victims 
to the ruthless barbarity of the British soldiery, 
who carried on an unnatural war against their own 
countrymen, in their own colonies. The attach- 


36 


MEMOIRS OF 


ment to home, which may be said to constitute a 
part of our nature, must have been alienated from 
the bosom of Jackson. In the Waxsaw settlement, 
S. C. he had his birth—there he was a sad specta¬ 
tor of the extinction of his whole family ; and there 
he all but lost his own life. To him, the plain of 
Waxsaw, with all its charms, must have been as 
cheerless as that of Golgotha to the ancients. 

He commenced the practice of law in the South 
West Territory, at the age of little more than twen¬ 
ty one years ; and although the district contained 
many aspiring young men who had already em¬ 
igrated there to share the honours of the new gov¬ 
ernment, and the profits of business, Mr. Jackson 
soon rendered himself distinguished among those 
who were “ themselves conspicuous there.” 

The unyielding integrity of his character, and his 
unceasing attention to business, soon introduced 
him to the notice of the government ; and he was 
appointed Attorney-General of the territory. This 
office he continued to sustain with great reputation 
to himself, and with essential advantage to the dig¬ 
nified and impartial administration of justice for 
many years. 

In 1796, the South West Territory was admitted 
as a sovereign and independent state into the Amer¬ 
ican union, by the name of the State of Tennessee ; 
being the sixteenth scar that was added to the A mer¬ 
ican Constellation. The citizens were calied upon 
to exercise the first great act of self-government— 


■ANDREW JACKSON. 


37 


hat of forming a constitution as the supreme law of 
he state. Mr. Jackson was chosen a member of 
the convention called to discharge this important 
duty. Although he had become known to the most 
distinguished citizens of the country, his exertions 
m this convention, brought him into more univer¬ 
sal notice, by the laborious part he took in the in¬ 
teresting discussions upon this momentous subject. 
The course of his studies had previously led him to 
investigate minutely the subject of government, 
from the earliest ages down to the close of the eigh¬ 
teenth century. With the rise, progress and ter¬ 
mination of the ancient Republics, he had made 
himself familiarly acquainted. He had witnessed 
the operation of the American Constitution, and 
those of the different states for a number of years. 
With a mind thus prepared to meet the important 
discussion, he took the lead in the debates upon 
the different articles of the proposed constitution. 
To those who are acquainted with the constitution 
of the state of Tennessee, it will be seen with what 
precision the Legislative, the Executive, and Judi¬ 
ciary powers are designated—with what care the 
civil rights of the people are secured—and with 
what unlimited freedom the rights of conscience 
may be enjoyed. 

The people of Tennessee, as a mark of the con¬ 
fidence they placed in Mr. Jackson, elected him 
their first representative in the Congress of the 

United States. He was a new member of the na~ 

4 


MEMOIRS OE 


tional legislature, and was surrounded by a body 
of statesmen who have scarcely been equalled, and 
certainly never have been excelled, since the adop¬ 
tion of the American Constitution. If, owing to 
that modesty which is always a concomitant with 
real greatness, he did not immediately shine, his 
constituents, the next year, (1797,) raised him to 
the high and responsible station of a Senator of 
Congress. It was during his congressional life, that 
the two great political parties of the Republic were 
in array against each other. He was a Republican ; 
and of course in the minority. Although no man 
ever more cheerfully submitted to authority when 
properly exercised, yet he never could be brought 
to be a minor actor in the plots of political intrigue— 
and to be a leader in political machinations, his 
habits and principles rendered him totally unqual¬ 
ified. He resigned his seat in the senate in 1799, 
and returned to Tennessee, with the government of 
which he had now become identified. 

He was now called upon to discharge the duties 
of an important office under the constitution and 
laws of the state, in the establishment of which, he 
had taken so important a part. In 1799, he was 
appointed a judge of the supreme court. This ap¬ 
pointment was bestowed upon him without his 
knowledge, contrary to his wishes, and very much 
opposed to his inclination. After discharging the 
duties of it for a short period, he resigned it, and 
retired to bis delightful real estate upon the banks 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


39 


of the Cumberland river, where for a number 
ofyearshe enjoyed, in the bosom of his family, that 
domestic felicity which is always produced by at* 
tachment for private worth, mingled with respect 
for dignity of character. From the citizens with 
whom he was located, he invariably received every 
demonstration of respectful attachment, and grate¬ 
ful acknowledgement, which a people in the enjoy¬ 
ment of temporal felicity, usually bestow upon the 
benefactor who had secured it for them. In Mr. 
Jackson, although he had scarcely reached the mid¬ 
dle age of life, the people recognized a political 
father, who had ever discovered more solicitude 
for their political rights, and individual happiness, 
than for his own emolument or aggrandizement. 


MEMOIRS OF 


40 


CHAPTER III. 

Mr. Jackson’s career in civil life^—commencement of his 
military career—Major-general of Tennessee Militia— 
Militia forces—America a Savages—Reason for their 
hatred and vengeance against Anglo-Americans—Reli¬ 
gious fanatacisrn among them—The Prophet Francis, 
and his brother Tecurnseh—Effect of their assumed 
divinity—-Tender of Gen. Jackson, and his Volunteers 
to the government of the United States. 

AT the close of the last chapter, the reader 
found the subject of these memoirs in a situation, 
above all others the best calculated for the enjoy¬ 
ment of temporal felicity^—with an estate abundant¬ 
ly competent, without being so overgrown as to 
excite solicitude—in a family circle, where every 
affectionate sentiment was cordially reciprocated, 
and surrounded by extensive acquaintances who 
loved him for his affability, respected him for his 
dignity, and venerated him for his exalted patriotism. 

Hitherto the attention of Mr. Jackson had been 
almost exclusively confined to the pursuits of civil 
fife. Although the duties of it are oftentimes ar¬ 
duous, and the difficulties sometimes inextricable, 
vet be had moved through it with incalculable ben¬ 
efit to his country, and w r ith undivided approbation 
to himself. The history of our country scarcely 
affords an instance of an individual, who has, so 
early in life, been called to fill so many important 
offices in such rapid succession. At twenty-two, 
Attorney-general of a district—at twenty-nine mem- 


ANDREW J ACKSO'N • 


41 


ber of convention to form a constitution—at the 
same age, a representative in Congress—at thirty, 
a Senator in Congress, and at thirty-two a Judge of 
the Supreme Court of an independent State. 

Thus far in life, Mr. Jackson had reaped a rich 
reward for his devotion to his country, in the ap¬ 
plause bestowed upon him by his countrymen. 
Had he been disposed to have lived in his delight¬ 
ful retirement, and to have been a spectator of the 
sufferings his fellow-citizens were called to en¬ 
dure from a Christian and a savage foe, he would 
indeed have ended his days without the splendid 
glory which is now attached to his name : yet he 
would have also escaped from the acrimonious 
censure, and illiberal abuse of those who envy him 
his reputation, and vainly endeavour to rob him of 
his hard earned fame. 

However brilliant has been the career of Mr. 
Jackson in civil life, it is almost forgotten by the 
renown he has acquired by military achievements. 
To the great mass of his countrymen, he is known 
only as a distinguished military character. It will 
be the object of the remaining part of this work 
to present the reader with a view of his military 
career. 

The same year that the state of Tennessee was 
admitted into the union, (1796,) Mr. Jackson was 
appointed Major-general of the militia of that State* 
As the whole of its militia was then embraced in 

one division, Gen. Jackson was the actual com- 

4 * 


42 


MEMOIR Oi 


mander in chief of the whole military force of the 
state ; as it is unusual for the governours of the 
states, who are ex officio , Captain-generals, to 
command in person. But for many years before 
the commencement of the last war, the command 
of a Major-general was rather nominal than real — 
a whole division being seldom called out together. 
But upon Gen. Jackson, the people depended for 
an efficient organization of their military force. 

Without derogating at all from the high reputa¬ 
tion of the militia of the American Republic, pro¬ 
bably the most efficient in the world, the history of 
our country will justify the remark, that it is a spe¬ 
cies of force that cannot be relied upon, excepting 
in sudden emergencies. In the revolutionary war, 
notwithstanding the imperfections of their organi¬ 
zation, they certainly aided essentially in establish¬ 
ing our independence. But how often, during that 
portentous period, was the Commander in Chief, 
and other commanders, left with an handful of 
“ Continental Troops,” to wander through a coun¬ 
try where a regiment of militia could scarcely be 
raised, to take the field for any length of time ? 
They might be brought, from the principles of 
self-preservation, to defend their home, and to re¬ 
pel an enemy from their immediate neighbourhood, 
but could with difficulty be brought to follow the 
apparently desprrate fortune of the Chief to a dis¬ 
tant portion of the country. Had not the “ Con 
tinental Army” been organized, and been brought 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


43 


to consider themselves as soldiers of the whole 
American Republic— Cornwallis might have ulti¬ 
mately surrendered—but it is doubtful whether 
Washington would have conquered him in 1781. 
At the commencement of the last war, the mili¬ 
tia of the United States had enjoyed a period of 
peace for thirty years. The acts of Congress, and 
of the individual states, made every possible salu¬ 
tary provision to give to that force respectability 
and efficiency. This body then consisted of eight 
hundred thousand men ; an hundred thousand of 
whom were drafted for the service of the United 
States. The collisions between the state govern¬ 
ments and that of the Union—the jealousies between 
the officers of the army and those of the militia, are 
within the recollection of every reader ; but the de¬ 
tail belongs more properly to The History of the Se¬ 
cond War between the American Republic and the 
Kingdom of Great Britain , than to The Memoirs of 
Major General Jackson. 

In 1812, Gen. Jackson, being still major-gene¬ 
ral of the Tennessee militia, was called by the 
dictates of patriotism, and his ardent love of his 
country, to espouse its cause in the fields as he had 
spent much of his life in advocating its interests in 
the cabinet. With the sagacity of a statesman, 
and with the feelings of a patriot, he had long seen 
a storm gathering over his beloved country. He 
had seen one Republic after another fall in Europe, 
before the tremendous power of the “ Allied £ove- 


44 


MEMOIRS OF 


reigns.” He had seen the best and the last hopes 
of man blasted and almost annihilated in Europe, 
by the uplifted arm of despotic power. He had 
seen the British government, from the commence¬ 
ment of the Pitt administration, to that period, the 
head of this “ holy alliance” offensive and defen¬ 
sive against the rights of man. He had seen that 
power, from year to year, encroaching upon the in¬ 
dependence which the American Republic compel¬ 
led them to acknowledge in 1783. He had seen the 
pacific policy of the American government, resort 
ing to negociation after negociation, met by the 
increasing insolence of the arrogant court of St. 
James. He had not only seen, but he and the 
people of Tennessee had for many years felt, the 
effect of British and Spanish influence over the 
Creek, the most ferocious and warlike tribe of In¬ 
dians upon the continent. For many years this 
tribe carried on a predatory warfare against the 
settlements of Tennessee, especially upon the Cum¬ 
berland river, upon which Gen. Jackson resided. 
He and the people, without any aid from the gen¬ 
eral government, had defended themselves from 
the frequent incursions of this insidious and barba¬ 
rous foe. In this way the people of Tennessee 
had learned the horrors of Indian warfare from 
their own sufferings. 

The history of the world scarcely furnishes a 
parallel with the sufferings of the Europeans upon 
the continent of America. Nor does it furnish 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


45 


a parallel with the injuries which the native Jfoner 
icans have sustained from Europeans. The con¬ 
quest of South America, by the Spaniards, was 
marked with more sanguinary violations of the 
rights of humanity, than any conquest from that of 
Canaan to the nineteenth century of the Christian 
era. As little as we know of its blood-stained histo¬ 
ry, we have, from infancy, wept over the calamities 
of the Incas of Peru, and of the countless legions 
of their unhappy subjects. Through the eye of 
nistor} r , we see the powerful agents of his most 
Catholic majesty arrive among these happy natives. 
With an exterminating sword in one hand, and with 
the word of God in the other, these early mission¬ 
aries demanded the immediate conversion of a 
whole people to Christianity. The artless sons of 
nature, who supposed the most splendid object was 
the fittest one to be adored, offered their adora¬ 
tion to the Sun. They could not adore an invis¬ 
ible being, who made no impression upon their 
senses. An army with the weapons of destruction 
and death, was ready to aid the priesthood in the 
work of conversion. One Inca, fell with his nation 
after another, with their inexhaustible treasures, 
into the hands of Christian Spaniards, and at this 
time the aborigines of S. America scarcely have an 
existence. 

In North America, the acquisitions of Europeans 
were attended with circumstances less bloody; 
but the natives were compelled by arms, or by 


46 


MEMOIRS OF 


contracts enforced by them, to retire as they ad¬ 
vanced in settlements. The tomahawk and the 
arrow*, were feeble, compared with fire arms and 
bayonets. Although they were compelled to sur¬ 
render their territory, their native pride and heroic 
courage was never subjugated. They retired be¬ 
fore their conquerors ; and as their territory was 
wrested from them by fraud, or by force, and as 
their numbers were diminished by disease, and by 
war, their vengeance against their spoilers increas¬ 
ed. But one sentiment prevailed among them 
from the Isthmus of Darien to the North-West coast 
—from the Atlantic to the Western ocean. The 
broken remnants of some few tribes have indeed 
been brought to bury the hatchet; but they never 
have been, and probably never will be, cordially 
reconciled to the white population. The hostile 
savages by privations the most severe, by tortures 
the most cruel, and by deaths the most horrible, 
still wreak their vengeance upon the descendants 
of those who first invaded their native soil. 

In about the year 1810 , a blind religious fanata- 
cism w as added to the natural ferocity of the Amer¬ 
ican savages. A Prophet arose among them, and 
claimed divine power , derived directly from the 
Great Spirit. This immeuse accession to human 
power , was no less calculated to fascinate savages, 
than it ever has been to excite the veneration of that 
part of mankind who claim to be civilized. The 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


47 


American Savage Francis , had as many claims to 
the character and inspiration * of Prophet, as the 
Asiatic civilian Mahomet ; and had he possessed 
equal power to make conquests and converts, under 
the banners of divinity, he might hereafter have 
had as many followers. But Gen. Harrison dis¬ 
robed him of his divinity at Tippacanoe, in 1811 , 
and his brother Tecumseh , fled to the southern 
tribes upon the Alabama, early in the year 1812 , 
to inspire the savages there, to act in concert with 
their red brethren in the north. But nothing in¬ 
spired the Creek, Alabama, and Seminole Indians so 
much as British and Spanish gold, British muskets, 
and British promises. With their hereditary hatred 
against Americans, (or the citizens of the United 
States,) added to the enthusiasm excited by Tecum¬ 
seh, and the liberal aid of the British and Spanish 
governments, these powerful tribes, at the com¬ 
mencement of the last war, were prepared to spread 
havock, devastation, torture and death, among the 
Americans who bordered upon their territory. 

The states of Tennessee and Georgia, from their 
vicinity to the immense country inhabited by the 
Creeks, were more immediately exposed to the 
horrid ravages of Indian warfare. Familiarized to 
their unrelenting barbarity, the citizens of Georgia 
and Tennessee were fully aware, that nothing but a 
war of extermination against the Creeks, would 
protect their own settlements on the frontiers, from 
destruction, and their families from wanton barbari- 


iMEMOIRS OF 


48 

tv. Tecumseh, had, by his art, his eloquence, and 
his assumed divinity, infused into the Creek nation 
the most implacable hatred against the Americans.* 
He addressed himself to their pride, by reminding 
them of the ancient power of the savages, and the 
boundless extent of their territory. He aroused 
their vengeance against Americans, as the people 
who had reduced their numbers, and diminished 
their greatness. He censured them for any con¬ 
formity, in any respect, to the Americans, and ex¬ 
horted them upon the dreadful penalty of the dis¬ 
pleasure of^he Great Spirit, to return wholly to the 
savage state. The preaching of Saint Bernard and 
Peter the Monk , had not a greater effect upon the 
Christians of Europe, when they exhorted them to 
raise a crusade against the infidels, than did that of 
Tecumseh upon the Creek, the Alabama, and Se¬ 
minole Indians. A complete concert was estab¬ 
lished between all the southern tribes, and a gene¬ 
ral concert between them and the northern ones. 
War clubs were every where distributed—but the 
most profound secrecy was enjoined. Tecumseh 
had warranted the interposition of the Great Spirit , 
and what he had much better authority for doing, 
that of Great Britain , in favour of the savages. 

The confidence of the savages in the success 
that would attend them and their Christian allies, 
the British, was effectually confirmed. It was an 
established principle with them to give no quarters 
nor to ask any. Pursuant to this system, they had, 


A„\DltEW J ACKdOA • 


4y 

before the commencement of the last war, murder¬ 
ed many families upon the frontiers of Georgia, 
and Tennessee, and seemed resolved to extirpate 
the Americans, or he exterminated themselves. 

This brief sketch may be deemed a digression ; 
but I considered it necessary to prepare the mind 
of the reader for the succinct account which will 
follow, of the part taken by Gen. Jackson in the 
sanguinary war carried on by him and the gallant, 
army under his command against the Creeks. 

The act of Congress, of 1812 , authorizing the 
raising of a Volunteer Corps , of fifty thousand men, 
to serve one year within two years after they were 
organized, induced Gen. Jackson to address the gal¬ 
lant sons of Tennessee belonging to his division. 
Perhaps no man in the American Republic could 
address his fellow-citizens, with more confidence of 
success, than Gen. Jackson—certain it is that no 
one addressed them so successfully. In a very 
short time, he found his standard, at Nashville , sur¬ 
rounded by twenty-five hundred men, among whom 
were many of the first families and of the greatest 
fortunes. It was not that wordy and paper patri¬ 
otism which filled many of the journals of the day 
with inflated resolutions, pledging to the Republic 
the “ lives, fortune, and honour, ” of those who pas¬ 
sed them. These men came in person to serve their 
country, rather than in a town-meeting, to resolve 
that they would do it. Gen. Jackson voluntarily 

offered his service to his country, instead of solicit- 

6 


50 


MEMOIRS OF 


ing an office from its government. The General and 
his army of Volunteers, made a tender of their ser¬ 
vices to government, and in November, 1812, were 
accepted, and became a part of the national force. 

When this corps of Volunteers was organized, 
they little thought, perhaps, what arduous duty 
would be allotted to them ; and had they anticipa¬ 
ted it, the glory they afterwards acquired, would 
hardly have been thought a sufficient reward for 
the excessive fatigues and hazards they endured 
in acquiring it. Their achievements shall be re¬ 
corded with scrupulous regard to accuracy, and 
their abberrations from duty shall be mentioned with 
idl the delicacy that is consistent with truth. 


ANDREW JACKSON, 


51 


CHAPTER IV. 

Gen. Jackson and Tennessee Volunteers—Importance of the 
river Mississippi—Mr. Monroe’s solicitude for the security 
of it, and the Western States—Volunteers rendezvous at 
Nashville, Tenn.—descend the Ohio and Mississippi—en¬ 
camp at Natchez—Order for their discharge from Mr. 
Armstrong—disobeyed by Gen. Jackson—Volunteers re¬ 
turn to Tennessee, and are discharged—Approbation of the 
government. 

THE avidity and promptitude with which the 
large and respectable Corps of Tennessee Volun¬ 
teers resorted to the standard of their beloved 
and respected commander, Andrew Jackson, was a 
sure presage of the gallantry with which they would 
support the independence, rights, and honour of 
the Republic against a savage and implacable foe 
upon the borders of their native state, and against 
the most powerful and veteran nation in Europe, 
now in alliance with them. 

At the commencement of the last war, it was 
impossible for the government to determine upon 
what part of our extended sea-board the naval 
forces of Britain would first attempt to make a 
demonstration ; or upon what part of our frontier, 
its armies would attempt to invade our territory. 
The immense importance of the command of the 
Mississippi, and its tributary streams, could not es¬ 
cape the attention of either the American or British 
governments. Every exertion therefore of the one 


MEMOIRS OF 


5£ 

to retain, and of the other to acquire it, might well 
be expected. The lower states and territories si¬ 
tuated upon this important river, attracted the ear¬ 
ly attention of government, and induced the most 
efficient measures for their defence. 

Mr. Monroe, for some time previous, and during 
the whole war, was a member of the American 
Cabinet. As ambassador of the American Repub¬ 
lic, at the court of France, he had negociated the 
treaty for the accession of Louisiana to the United 
States ; and must have felt a deep solicitude in the 
rising importance of the Western States. He was 
aware, that without the command of the Mississippi, 
they would lose their future importance, and be 
at present subjected to the rapacity of British sol¬ 
diery, and the horrors ofsavage warfare. Although 
the war department, until the campaign of 1814, 
was not under his immediate control, and although 
he was not directly implicated in the disasters of 
those of 1812, and 1813 ; he nevertheless as one 
of the first officers in the Cabinet, felt a high de¬ 
gree of responsibility. In regard to the Mississippi 
river, as he may almost be said to have acquired it 
for his country, he must have felt a deep interest in 
securing the incalculable benefits arising to the Re¬ 
public, especially to the Western States, from the 
exclusive command of it. 

The Tennessee Volunteers, under the command 
of Gen. Jackson, at the close of the year 1812, 
were ordered to proceed down the Ohio and Missis- 


ANDREW JACKSON* 


53 


sippi, for the defence of the lower states against an 
expected attack of the British forces. The deep 
laid plot of the Indians already mentioned, was not 
yet ready for execution ; nor were the Americau 
settlers exposed to their immediate ravages, excited 
to make any but the ordinary preparations of de¬ 
fence against these insidious, cruel, and infernal 
enemies. The Creeks were apparently indifferent 
spectators to the contest which had now commen¬ 
ced between the American Republic, and the king 
dom of Great Britain. 

At the beginning of the year 1813, Gen. Jackson 
and his fine corps of Tennessee Volunteers, having 
previously rendezvoused at Nashville, in Tennes¬ 
see, situated upon the south bank of Cumberland 
river, prepared to execute the orders received to 
descend the Ohio and Mississippi. Although situat¬ 
ed in a mild and salubrious climate, enduring but 
little severity in comparison with the more frigid 
regions of the northern states, the country at this 
time was covered with snow, and the navigation of 
the Ohio and Mississippi was obstructed and render¬ 
ed difficult and hazardous by ice. 

The Volunteers had thus far enjoyed the anima¬ 
ting splendour of military life, but were yet unac¬ 
quainted with its toils, fatigues, and privations. 
Upon the 7th January, 1813, headed in person by a 
leader whom they esteemed as an accomplished 
commander, and an affectionate guardian, they com¬ 
menced an expedition, in which they hoped to ren 


54 


MEMOIRS OF 


der essential service to their country, which they 
loved better than they did their lives, and to acquire 
for themselves the reputation of patriotic soldiers. 
Animated by the example of Gen. Jackson, they" 
endured the hardships of a long and tedious passage, 
without a murmur, and submitted to the discipline 
indispensably necessary in an army, without the 
least appearance of insubordination. They" arriv¬ 
ed at Natchez , about three hundred miles above 
New-Orleans, where they were ordered to rendez¬ 
vous until further orders. 

- Gen. Jackson having selected the most judicious 
situation for the encampment of his army, here 
commenced the arduous and difficult duty of chang¬ 
ing citizens to soldiers. The Tennessee Volunteers 
had seen nothing of military life, except the easy 
and pleasurable duty usually performed by militia 
in time of peace, and occasional excursions against 
small parties of savages. Had they enlisted into 
the army of the Republic, received a liberal bounty 
from its treasury, and been certain of regular pay¬ 
ment of wages while in service, and a valuable tract 
of land when discharged ; a cheerful submission to 
military discipline might have been expected, and 
a necessary one enforced. These patriotic Volun¬ 
teers thought little of a pecuniary reward ; but 
were inspired, by the impulse of patriotism, to be¬ 
come disciplined soldiers out of principle. 

But no sooner had they began to learn the duties, 
of the cau?p, and to acquire the science.of yvar^, 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


J 0 

than an order from the war department' was re¬ 
ceived by Gen. Jackson, commanding him to “ dis¬ 
miss his Volunteers , and deliver all public property 
in his possession to Major-general Wilkinson then 
commanding the military district in which they 
were stationed. Mr. Armstrong was then Secretary 
at War. It is not for the historian or the bio¬ 
grapher to inquire into motives , or to impeach them ; 
but when the fact is stated that this order bore date 
the 5th of January, 1813, two days before Gen. 
Jackson moved with his forces from Nashville , and 
was not received until sometime after Jie estab¬ 
lished his cantonment at Natchez , almost five hun¬ 
dred miles below, the reader may ivell exclaim, in 
the language of the Prince of the Drama,—“ there 
is a spirit in the affairs of state , which nor tongue , 
nor pen can give expressure to.” 

A compliance with this order would have been 
an abandonment of his corps. Although among 
them were many men possessed of ample funds and 
adequate means to travel half a thousand miles to 
their homes, vet they little thought, when they enter¬ 
ed the service of their country, that they should be 
so soon compelled to expend their wealth, as well 
as expose their lives and health in its defence. A 
very great number were wholly destitute ofthe means 
of subsistence, and depended wholly upon the public 
stores in their possession for the support of life while 
in camp, and upon their return march through a 
ountry, eitjieryery thinly inhabited or a wilderness. 


5b 


MEMOIRS OF 


A third class were in a situation still more deplora¬ 
ble ; indeed in a state of absolute destitution— 
destitute of health, destitute of resources, and, as 
a general consequence, destitute of hope. The 
sick list numbered between one hundred and fifty, 
and two hundred ; many of whom w r ere languish¬ 
ing under extreme debility. 

It is difficult to conceive of a situation more dis¬ 
tressing and responsible than that in which Gen. 
Jackson was placed by this order from Mr. Arm¬ 
strong. Obedience to it, would have been casting 
most of his patriotic followers upon a pityless world 
in an inclement season and destitute of resources— 
disobedience of the order would subject him to mil¬ 
itary punishment, unless the peculiar circumstan¬ 
ces of the case should be deemed sufficient to 
excuse him from the operation of military law. Af¬ 
ter consultation with his officers, who, at first, ac¬ 
corded with him in opinion, he assured the Secre¬ 
tary at War, that the order would be disregarded ; 
and that a sufficient quantity of the public stores 
would be retained to aid his Volunteers in return¬ 
ing to their homes. 

Gen. Wilkinson was advised of the order of 
the war department, and of the determination of 
Gen. Jackson in regard to it. Clothed with the 
authority of the government-—commanding one of 
the most extensive military districts in the Republic 
—anxious to augment his stores, and increase the _ 
number of his own troops, he endeavoured to inti- 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


O 7 


inidalc Gen. Jackson into obedience of the order, 
by fore-warning him of the alarming consequences 
to himself of disobedience. Some of his own offi¬ 
cers retracted their first decision, and advised a 
compliance with the order. Even the quarter¬ 
master endeavoured to compel him to the measure, 
by omitting to take the necessary steps preparatory 
to the commencement of the return march. Cool, 
collected, and unembarrassed, Gen. Jackson now 
took counsel from bis own judgment, and the respon¬ 
sibility of his conduct upon his own head ; knowing, 
that if called to do it, he could justify himself be¬ 
fore any forum, excepting one that had prejudged 
his case. He gave orders for breaking up the en¬ 
campment, and for commencing the movement 
which was to conduct his Volunteers to the place 
of original rendezvous ; and gave it in such a man¬ 
ner, and accompanied it with such acts, as to con¬ 
vince all, that from this decision there was no appeal. 

The gloom and dejection which pervaded this 
corps, when tne order from the w r ar department was 
received, was converted to the exhiliration of joy 
when the determination of their general was made 
known. The waggons were used for the trans^- 
portation of the sick ; and even the horses of the 
general and his staff were cheerfully surrendered 
for that purpose when necessary. During a march 
of nearly five hundred miles, Gen. Jackson evinced, 
by his uniform conduct, that although his situa¬ 
tion compelled him to act as a soldier, “ he felt 


58 


MEMOIRS OF 


like a man.” To the high respect which was at all 
times felt by the Tennessee Volunteers for Gen. 
Jackson, was now added the most ardent attach¬ 
ment. They almost forgot the dignity of the gen¬ 
eral , in the more amiable and endearing qualities of 
the patron and the friend. This corps, having en¬ 
dured the privations of the camp, and the fatigues 
of marching and counter-marching, without having 
yet acquired any of the laurels which are reaped 
in the field of battle, were discharged about the 1st 
of May, 1813. But the ardent patriotism, regula¬ 
ted by a spirit of subordination, which they shewed 
in this first scene of military life, justified the high 
expectation which was entertained of them, and 
which was afterwards so amply gratified by their 
splendid military achievements. 

The course pursued by Gen. Jackson in regard 
to Mr. Armstrong’s order, and the Volunteers, may 
meet with the animadversion of the mere officer, 
who acquired his knowledge of tactics from books, 
and his ideas of subordination from reading the ar¬ 
ticles of war ; but his conduct was approbated by the 
administration, and the whole expenses of the expe¬ 
dition paid out of the public treasury. The military 
ardour of Gen. Jackson was not damped by the crit¬ 
ical and even dangerous circumstances in which he 
had recently been placed—dangerous, more from 
the machinations of official intrigue, than from the 
open enemies of the country. The first he had too 
much magnanimity even to suspect—the last he had 
courage enough to face in every possible situation. 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


59 


CHAPTER V. 

Approbation and censure of Gen. Jackson—implacable hos¬ 
tility of savages increased by British and Spanish emissa¬ 
ries, and British ravages—Indian massacre of garrison, wo¬ 
men and children, at Fort Mirams—Expedition from Ten¬ 
nessee against Creeks prepared—Gen. Jackson assumes the 
command—Colonel Coffee—difference between Militia, 
Volunteers, and Regular Troops—Gen. Jackson proceeds to 
the frontiers—prepares for active service—Deficiency of pro¬ 
visions—Col. Dyer destroys Littafutches —First victory over 
the Creeks at Talhishatches —Gen. Coffee’s report of it to 
Gen. Jackson. 

THE superficial reader of biography, feels im¬ 
patient to arrive at the developement of the dis¬ 
tinguished character who is the subject of it. The 
more critical examiner, traces the progress of the 
Statesman, the Soldier, and the Scholar, from the 
first dawn of hi« greatness, to the meridian of his 
glory. The untutored imagination will utter vo¬ 
ciferous hosannas to the memories of the great; but 
they are as destitute of meaning, as were the enthu¬ 
siastic praises bestowed by the Ephesians, upon the 
goddess Diana. That applause which is offered 
by intelligence to merit, is the only commendation 
which a great and a good man wishes to receive 
when in life, and it is the only sentence which will 
embalm his memory after his death. The same 
remarks may be applied to the censure which the 
world generally bestows with more liberality than 


60 


MEMOIRS OF 


it does its praise. It has been shewn that Gen. 
Jackson had scarcely entered the threshold of his 
military life, before the cheering voice of approba¬ 
tion, as well as the dissonant notes of censure, met 
his ear. But he was then, and is now, a man whom 
merited praise cannot ennervate, and whom unjust 
censure cannot intimidate. 

In the third chapter of this work, the reasons 
were briefly stated why the Aborigines of America, 
are so implacably hostile to the Anglo-Americans, 
especially to the citizens of the American Republic. 
They have been taught to believe that their Great 
Fathers, beyond the great waters, occupying the 
thrones of Britain and Spain, are their friends and 
protectors ; while the Americans are their enemies 
and. destroyers. The emissaries of these great pot¬ 
entates themselves, will always disseminate and en¬ 
courage this sentiment, as long as they have colo¬ 
nies bordering upon the United States ,* and as long 
as they need savages as allies, to aid them in their 
Quixotic views of recolonizing them. 

Lest this fact may, by some be thought to be 
too confidently stated, I quote the following from 
the Report of the Committee on Foreign Relations, 
to whom was referred the Manifesto of President 
Madison, of the 1st June, 1812, — “ Itis known that 
symptoms of British hostility towards the United 
States, have never failed to produce corresponding 
symptoms among those tribes. [“ Savage tribes on 
our frontiers .”] It is also well known, that on all 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


61 


such occasions, abundant supplies of the ordinary 
munitions of war, have been afforded by the agents 
of British commercial companies, and even from 
British garrisons, wherewith they were enabled to 
commence that system of savage warfare on our 
frontiers, which has been, at all times, indiscrimi¬ 
nate in its effect, on all ages, sexes, and conditions, 
and so revolting to humanity.” This is confined to 
British emissaries. Before the reader reaches the 
close of these brief Memoirs, he will be furnished 
with evidence “ strong as proof of holy writ” of the 
more aggravated injuries of the emissaries of Ferdi¬ 
nand VII. of Spain. 

It was not until the British fleets had commen¬ 
ced their ravages upon our then defenceless sea¬ 
ports ; and the British armies had began the work 
of devastation upon our then unprotected frontiers, 
that the Creek Indians, as a tribe, advanced for a 
similar purpose, to the borders of the states of 
Georgia, Tennessee, and Mississippi. The last men¬ 
tioned state, then a territorial government, felt the 
first disastrous shock from a concealed storm that 
had long hung in awful silence upon its borders. 

The Spanish government, the consummate du¬ 
plicity of which is equalled only by the horrors 
of its despotism, had' long furnished the Creeks 
with arms and ammunition, the better to enable them 
to destroy the rapidly increasing settlements of the 
states bordering upon Florida. As before men^ 

6 


MEMOIRS OF 


G2 

tioned, these states had defended themselves with 
but little aid from the general government. 

In August 1813, a garrison of an hundred and 
fifty men, was stationed in a settlement called Ten- 
saw, in the state of Mississippi. They occupied an 
incomplete fortress, called Fort Minims, at Tensalo , 
to which many females and children had resorted 
for protection against the enkindled wrath of the 
Creek Indians, who had before, in small parties, 
wantonly murdered a number of families. The 
whole amounted to nearly 400 at the fort. But 
the garrison and the inhabitants were unsuspicious 
©f a general movement of these ferocious sons of 
the forest. 

Upon the 30th of August, the furious storm of 
savage warfare burst upon them with all its appal- 
ing horrors. From six hundred to a thousand sa¬ 
vages commenced an assault. The most veteran 
courage was imbecility itself against such an over¬ 
whelming superiority of force. The tragical scene 
that followed the possession of Fort Mimms, by the 
Creeks, no mind can conceive—no tongue cap ex¬ 
press—no pen can describe ! The savages, having 
long before resolved to ask no quarters, nor to grant 
any, began and completed the dreadful work of 
human carnage. The demknd of the soldier for 
quarters, was as ineffectual as the heart-piercing 
entreaties of the mother, to spare her life and that 
of her child. A general slaughter was made ; and 
out of about three hundred and seventy persons, 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


63 


soldiers, women and children, in and about the fort, 
but seventeen escaped. 

The Indians entered one of the gates of the fort, 
and set fire to an old building within it. Major 
Beasly commanded ; and with a band that reminds 
the reader of the Spartan band* of Leonidas at 
Thermopolae, maintained a conflict with more than 
four times their force, until they slew more than 
their own numbers. While this forlorn hope were 
selling their lives in the fort, the aged men, the 
helpless women, and shrieking children, were per¬ 
ishing in the flames in the upper-story of the burn¬ 
ing building. To use the impressive language of 
one who was near this scene of carnage—“ Under 
the double influence of British gold, and furious fa- 
nataeism, the savages fought in a manner scarcely 
to be credited. The fight w'as so obstinately main¬ 
tained, for a long time, that the opponents, overcome 
by fatigue and exertion, loaded their pieces delibe¬ 
rately, and shot each other down, or were mutually 
dispatched by the bayonet and tomahawk.” 

The solicitude which this direful catastrophe, pro¬ 
duced, in all the exposed settlements upon the Mo¬ 
bile, Tombigbee, and in many other places, can 
better be imagined than expressed. Although the 
state of Tennessee was not immediately in danger, 

* I find in many of the official reports during the last war, 
a brave body of Americans is called “ a Spartan Band J 
cannot see how an American band should be a band of Spar¬ 
tans, however brave they may be. 


64 


MEMOIRS OE 


vet the most energetic and efficient measures were 
taken to protect the frontiers and avenge the mas¬ 
sacre at Fort Mimms. The legislature of that 
state convened towards the close of September— 
authorised Governour Blount to call into immedi¬ 
ate service, three thousand five hundred of the mi¬ 
litia,—and voted three hundred thousand dollars , for 
their support. 

The legislature, and indeed, the whole popula¬ 
tion of Tennessee, fixed their hopes upon General 
Jackson. The confidence of all in him Was un¬ 
bounded. It had long been his opinion that the 
only effectual mode of warfare against savages, w r as 
to carry war into the heart of their country. Gen, 
Wayne , many years since, and Gen. Harrison more 
recently had evinced the correctness of this opin¬ 
ion. The legislature accorded with him in senti¬ 
ment, and the command of an intended expedition 
devolved upon him. 

Gen. Jackson had recently received a fracture 
in his arm, and a wound in his body, in the settle¬ 
ment of an affair of honour, in an honourable man¬ 
ner. Under any other circumstances, the severity 
of the wounds, and the consequent debility, w'ould 
have detained him in his domestic circle. But he 
was born for his country—his country demanded 
his services ; and the ardent patriotism of his soul, 
made him forget the debility of his body. 

He was ordered by governour Blount to call out 
two thousand militia, and to rendezvous at Fayette- 


I 


ANDREW JACKSON. 65 

viile. A part of this detachment consisted of the 
Tennessee Volunteers, who had the preceding 
spring returned from Natchez. Upon the 4th of 
October, 1813, the day appointed, the troops prompt¬ 
ly repaired to the place of rendezvous. Colonel, 
soon after general, Coffee , in the mean time, had 
raised live hundred mounted Volunteers, and was 
authorized to augment his force, by adding to it 
the volunteer mounted riflemen who might offer 
their services. It would be a task highly grateful 
to the author, would the prescribed limits of this 
work permit, to give a brief sketch of this accom¬ 
plished and patriotic officer. It is enough to say, 
that he commenced his active military life, with 
Andrew Jackson ; and that in the most disastrous 
periods of the Creek war, when, by the jealousy of 
some, the treachery of others, the intrigues of many, 
and the apprehensions of all, his general was left 
almost alone in a wilderness of blood-seeking bar¬ 
barians, he remained “ faithful among thefaithless 
till the last conquering stroke was given. He fol¬ 
lowed the no less desperate fortune of Gen. Jackson 
to J\'ew-OrIeans, where he, w ith his general, and his 
gallant army, acquired laurels which will never fade, 
until men cease to appreciate exalted patriotism. 

Upon the 7th October, Gen. Jackson repaired 

to the rendezvous at Fayetteville ; and although in 

a state of indisposition which required the repose 

of the hospital, rat ier than in that vigorous health 

which is necessary to endure the fatigues of the 

6 * 


£6 


MEMOIRS OF 


camp, and a march through the wilderness, he as¬ 
sumed the command of the army designed to avenge 
the blood of their countrymen, and to conquer the 
most warlike tribe of barbarians in the universe. 
It might be deemed presumptuous to say, that 
Gen. Jackson was the only man in Tennessee, who 
could successfully command an army destined to 
accomplish this arduous and perilous duty ; but 
it may, without hesitation be said, that no man at 
that time, had so completely secured the confi¬ 
dence, and raised the hopes of the civil and military 
power of that state as he. 

He found the troops assembled, deficient in num¬ 
bers, and was aware that few of them had <c seen 
service.” The difference between drafted militia, 
volunteer troops, and enlisted soldiers has been 
slightly alluded to. It will readily be acknowledg¬ 
ed by every officer and every soldier in the late 
war. It does not arise from a difference of patri¬ 
otism or courage, for both are inherent with all 
true Americans. It may probably be imputed to 
the difference in their organization. The Militia , 
in times of peace, consider the performance of 
military service rather as a pastime, than a duty ; 
and cannot be brought, suddenly, to submit to the 
rigid discipline of the camp. The Volunteers, 
are impelled by love of country, and a thirst for 
fame, to fly, unasked to the standard of the Repub¬ 
lic ; but when the impulse that led them there has 
subsided, and they find that glory is to be acquired 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


G7 


by a long course of severe duly, apathy often suc¬ 
ceeds to animation ; and many are ready to exclaim 
with Byron , “ I want no other Paradise but rest.” 
The soldiers , enter the army to make a trade of 
war. They study discipline as a business ; and 
courage with them is not only a principle, but it is 
a system. To conquer, to be captured, or to die, 
is a matter of course and of necessity ; and if disas¬ 
ters are remediless, when they happen, they en¬ 
dure them without a murmur. 

Gen. Jackson, at the time he commenced his 
second expedition, and his first against the Creeks, 
had no United States’ troops under his command ; 
indeed he had no authority himself under the gen¬ 
eral government, being senior major general of 
Tennessee militia. He commenced the arduous 
duty of converting citizens to soldiers, and resorted 
to every possible expedient which a prudent as 
well as an intrepid commander could devise to en¬ 
sure success. The previous character—The pres¬ 
ence and example of the general, inspired the sol¬ 
diers with confidence, and gave them victory in 
anticipation. 

Colonel Coffee had penetrated with his cavalry 
and mounted volunteers towards the frontiers, and 
was stationed near Huntsville. In the Creek na¬ 
tion were many natives in amity with the United 
States. From them, important information was 
obtained, and by them, essential service was ren¬ 
dered. Upon the 8th, Colonel Coffee informed 


68 


MEMOIR'S OF 


Gen. Jackson, by express, that from information 
derived from Indian runners, the hostile Creeks 
were in great force, and intended simultaneously 
to attack the frontiers of Georgia and Tennessee. 
Upon the 10th, Gen. Jackson, in an unprepared 
state, took up the line of march ; and what is per¬ 
haps without a parallel for the first day’s march, 
reached Huntsville the same evening, a distance of 
from thirty to forty miles. Colonel Coffee had 
reached the Tennessee river, and Gen. Jackson, 
the next day overtook him, and united with his re¬ 
giment upon the bank of that river. Aware that 
“ procrastination is the thief of time,” and that 
the ardour of raw and undisciplined troops was soon 
cooled, he dispatched colonel Coffee with his 
mounted corps, to explore the river Big Warrior 
and Etomb-igaby , commonly called Tombigbee. 

He encamped his own division upon the Tennes¬ 
see, and was indefatigable in preparing them for 
active service. He remained here but a week ; 
and what will excite the astonishment of those who 
have witnessed the slow progress of raw troops to 
the character of veteran soldiers, he made his ar¬ 
my such in that time. The mystery is explained 
when it is said, in this corps, at this time, they found 
pleasure in the performance of duty, and the per¬ 
formance of duty, was the enjoyment of pleasure. 

In the camp of Gen. Jackson, there could hardly 
he said to be a commissary department at this time ; 
and he depended upon various contractors for ca- 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


69 

sual rather than regular supplies of provisions. An 
alarming deficiency was found to exist, and an 
uncertainty of supplies was made known. Nothing 
could be so much calculated to repress military 
ardour as this discovery. Men who would face 
death in its most horrible forms, will turn to chil¬ 
dren at the approach of famine. Gen. Jackson, by 
measures the most efficient, and by entreaties the 
most urgent, endeavoured to secure a supply. Un¬ 
dismayed himself, he set an example of cheerful¬ 
ness before his followers, that for a time dispelled 
their apprehensions. 

At this critical period, information was received 
that the Creeks were embodied near the Ten Islands 
©n the Coosa. Collecting what provisions could be 
obtained, but a few days’ supply, he commenced 
his march upon the 18th for Thompson's Creek. 
His route led through a mountainous country, which 
would seem to have defied the passage of an army 
and the appendages of it. Upon the 22d he ar¬ 
rived there, where he remained until certain infor¬ 
mation was received that the Creeks would soon 
commence active operations upon the Coosa. The 
warriors, to an amount wholly unknown, but who 
were supposed to be very numerous, had assembled, 
in warlike array at Tallushatches. 

Col. Dyer had before been dispatched to attack, 
and if possible, destroy the Indian town o I Littafut- 
ches. He destroyed the place ; and upon the 28th, 
returned to camp with twenty-nine prisoners of the 


70 


MEMOIRS OF 


hostile Creeks, extending that mercy to them by 
sparing their lives, which their system of warfare 
prohibited them from extending to Americans. 

The main body was encamped about thirteen 
miles from Tallushatches ; and upon the 1st of 
November, a small supply of provision was brought 
into camp. Colonel Coffee had been promoted to a 
brigadier-general ; and was dispatched early upon 

0 

the 2d, with 000 cavalry, and mounted rifleman, 
to attack the Creeks in their encampment. Gen. 
Jackson, although convalescent, was at this time, 
extremely debilitated from long indisposition, ex¬ 
cessive fdigue, and extreme solicitude, and had no 
use of one arm ; but in Gen. Coffee, he had an offi¬ 
cer to whom he might safely entrust an expedition 
of any importance, and of any danger. 

The result of this first important engagement, I 
present to the reader in the language of “ Official 
Reports” Deeming this altogether the most pre- 
ferable mode of furnishing the reader with the de¬ 
tails of battles, I shall adopt it through the work, 
when they can be obtained. 

Gen. JACKSON, to Gov. BLOUNT. 

Camp at Ten Islands , Nov. 4th , 1813. 
Governour Blount, 

Sir—We have retaliated for the destruction of 
Fort Mimms. On the 2d, I detached Gen. Coffee 
with a part of his brigade of cavalry and mounted 
riflemen, to destroy Tallushatches, where a consid- 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


71 


erable force of the hostile Creeks were concen¬ 
trated. The General executed this in style. An 
hundred and eighty six of the enemy were found 
dead on the field, and about 80 taken prisoners, 40 
of whom have been brought here. In the number 
left, there is a sufficiency but slightly wounded to 
take care of those who are badly. 

I have to regret that 5 of my brave fellows 
have been killed, and about 30 wounded ; some 
badly, but none 1 hope mortally. 

Both officers and men behaved with the utmost 
bravery and deliberation. 

Captains Smith, Bradley, and Winston are wound- 

« 

ed, all slightly, no officer is killed. 

So soon as Gen. Coffee makes his report, I shall 
enclose it. 

If we had a sufficient supply of provisions, we 
should in a very short time accomplish the object of 
the expedition. 

I have the honour to be, with great respect, 
yours, &c. 

ANDREW JACKSON. 

* 

P. S. Seventeen Cherokees, under the command 
of Col. Brown, acted with great bravery in the 
action. Two of Chenubhy’s sons, and Jim Fife, 
of the Natchez tribe, also distinguished themselves. 
One of the Creek prophets is killed. 

A. J. 

It will be noticed that Gen. Jackson, merely 
alludes to the subject of provisions ; but from 


72 


MEMOIRS OF 


numerous sources of correct information, it is cer¬ 
tain at that time that a very scanty supply was on 
hand. 

The following is general Coffee’s report of the 
Battle of Tallushatches, alluded to in the letter to 
Gov. Blount. 

Brig. Gen. COFFEE, to Maj. Gen. JACKSON. 

Camp at Ten Islands, JVov. 4th , 1813. 

Maj. Gen. Jackson, 

Sir—1 had the honour yesterday, of transmitting 
you a short account of an engagement that took 
place between a detachment of about 900 men 
from my brigade with the enemy at Tallushatches 
town ; the particulars whereof 1 beg leave herein to 
recite you. Pursuant to your order of the 2d, I 
detailed from my brigade of cavalry and mounted 
riflemen, 900 men and officers, and proceeding di¬ 
rectly to the Tallushatches towns, crossed Coosa 
river at the Fish Dam ford, 3 or 4 miles above this 
place. I arrived within one and a half miles of the 
town, (distant from this place southeast 8 miles,) on 
the morning of the 3d, at which place I divided my 
detachment into two columns, the right compo¬ 
sed of the cavalry commanded by Col. Allcorn, to 
cross over a large creek that lay between us and 
the towns ; the left column was of the mounted 
riflemen under the command of Col. Cannon, with 
whom I marched myself. Col. Allcorn was order¬ 
ed to march up on the right, and encircle one half 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


73 


of the town, and at the same time the left would 
form a half circle on the left, and unite the head 
of the columns in front of the town : all of which was 
performed as I could wish. When I arrived within 
half a mile of the town, the drums of the enemy 
began to beat, mingled with their savage yells, 
preparing for action. It was after sunrise an hour 
when the action was brought on by Capt. Hammond 
and Lieut. Patterson’s companies, who had gone 
on within the circle of alignment for the purpose 
of drawing out the enemy from their buildings, 
which had the most happy effect. As soon as 
Capt. Hammond exhibited his front in view of the 
town, (which stood in an open woodland) and gave 
a few scattering shot, the enemy formed and made 
a violent charge on him ; he gave way as they 
advanced, until they met our right column, which 
gave them a general fire and then charged ; this 
changed the direction of charge completely ; the 
enemy retreated firing, until they got around, and 
in their buildings, where they made all the resist¬ 
ance that an overpowered soldier could do ; they 
fought as long as one existed ; but their destruction 
was very soon completed ; our men rushed up to the 
doors of the houses, and in a few minutes killed 
the last warrior of them ; the enemy fought with 
savage fury, and met death with all its horrors, 
without shrinking or complaining : not one asked 
to be spared, but fought as long as they could stand 

or sit. In consequence of their flying to their hou- 

7 


74 


MEMOIRS OF 


ses and mixing with the families, our men, in kil¬ 
ling the males, without intention, killed and wound¬ 
ed a few of the squaws and children, which was 
regretted by every officer and soldier of the de¬ 
tachment, but which could not be avoided. 

The number of the enemy killed, was 186, that 
were counted, and a number of others that were 
killed in the weeds not found. I think the calcu¬ 
lation a reasonable one, to say 200 of them were 
killed, and 84 prisoners of women and children, 
were taken ; not one of the warriors escaped to 
carry the news, a circumstance unknown hereto¬ 
fore. 

We lost 5 men killed, and 41 w'ounded, none mor¬ 
tally, the greater part slightly, a number with ar¬ 
rows ; this appears to form a very principal part of 
the enemy’s arms for warfare, every man having 
a bow with a bundle of arrows, which is used after 
the first fire with the gun, until a leisure time for 
loading offers. 

It is with pleasure I say that our men acted with 
deliberation and firmness—notwithstanding our 
numbers were superior to that of the enemy, it was 
a circumstance to us unknown, and from the parade 
of the enemy we had every reason to suppose 
them our equals in number : but there appeared 
no visible traces of alarm in any, but on the con¬ 
trary all appeared cool and determined, and no 
doubt when they face a foe of their own, or superi- 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


75 

or number, they will show the same courage as ori 
this occasion. 

I have the honour to be, very respectfully, sir, 
your obedient servant, 

JOHN COFFEE, 

Brig. Gen. of Cavalry and Riflemen. 

Maj. Gen. Andrew jackson. 

Killed , 5 privates. 

Wounded , 4 captains, 2 lieutenants, 2 cornets, 
3 sergeants, 5 corporals, 1 artificer, 24 privates.— 
Total killed and wounded, 46. 

In this report the reader will readily see, that 
while general Coffee is gratified at communicating 
an account of victory, he is grieved at some of the 
circumstances attending it. “ Not one, he says, 
asked to be spared”—and without asking quarter, 
and continuing to fight, they could not be spared. 
The regret expressed at killing and wounding some 
of the women and children, mingled with the war¬ 
riors, and which could not be avoided, shews that 
brave men are always humane. 


MEMOIRS OF 


( O 


CHAPTER VI. 

Tennessee forces—Collisions in armies—Establishment of 
Fort Strother—Perilous situation of friendly Creeks— 
Dispatch to Gen. White—his conduct—Battle of Talla 
dega —Gen. Jackson’s account ol it. 

AT the commencement of the campaign, in the 
Creek nation, in 1813, the Tennessee forces, Mili¬ 
tia and Volunteers, that were called into service, 
oonsisted of two divisions—one of West Tennessee, 
commanded by Maj. Gen. Jackson, the other of 
East Tennessee, commanded by Maj. Gen. Cocke. 
The division of the Tennessee forces seemed 
to be governed by the division which nature 
has made of this state by the range of the Cum ¬ 
berland mountains, running from north to south. 
Maj. Gen. Thomas Pinckney, of the United 
States’ army, was commander in chief of the 
military district in which these troops were raised 
and organized. 

Whether it was designed by the executive of 
Tennessee that the two divisions of its forces should 
act in concert, or remain two distinct corps, acting 
independently of each other, cannot positively be 
determined by the writer. The first is altogether 
the most probable ; indeed it is rendered almost 
certain from the course pursued by Gen. Jack- 
son. It cannot for a moment be supposed, that a 
man who had so long been in public life—filling 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


77 


exalted and highly responsible stations in the civil 
and military departments, would arrogate to him¬ 
self an authority which was not expressly, or by 
the fairest implication, bestowed upon him. He is¬ 
sued orders to the division under Gen. Cocke. 
The unfortunate collisions, misunderstandings, and 
jealousies which for a time obstructed, and nearly 
thwarted the important and hazardous expedition 
into the country of the Creeks, though reluctantly, 
must necessarily, be alluded to, to show the course 
pursued by Gen. Jackson. 

Although the patriot will lament the existence 
of feuds in a patriotic army, let it be remembered 
they were not confined to the militia in the last war, 
nor to those between the militia of the stales, and 
the national forces ; but that thev existed in some 
departments of the United States’ army itself. The 
northern campaign of 1813, is not forgotten, nor 
the ‘ Failure of our arms on the Northern Frontier ,’ 
erased from recollection. Gen. Wilkinson declares 
in a General Order—“ The Commander in Chief 
is compelled to retire, [from the Canadian shore,] 
by the extraordinary, unexampled, and it appears, 
unwarrantable conduct ofMaj. Gen. Hampton , in 
refusing to join this army with a division of 4000 
men under his command, agreeable to positive or¬ 
ders from the Commander in Chief.” 

The brilliant victory at Tallushatches, and the 
total defeat of the savages, from which, to use the 
language of Gen. Coffee, “ not one of the warriors 


?b 


MEMOIRS O* 1 


escaped, to tell the news” induced Gen. Jackson to 
take the most efficient measures to follow up the 
encouraging success the army had met with, by 
more important operations. To accomplish this, 
he sent an express upon Nov. 4th, (the date of his 
first official account,) to Brig. Gen. White of Gen. 
Cocke's division, who was only twenty five miles 
distant, ordering him with the troops in his com¬ 
mand, to' form a junction with him at Fort Strother, 
which he had established as a depot. His object 
in forming this junction, was to augment his forces 
to such an amount, as to enable him to go forward 
with confidence in attacking the enemy and leave 
a force in the rear sufficient to protect the sick, and 
guard the baggage. Although he had twice before 
sent similar orders, not a word of intelligence was 
received from him. Upon the 7th, he dispatched 
another express. Upon this day information was 
received by Gen. Jackson, that a fortress of friendly 
Indians at Talladega , thirty miles distant from Fort 
Strother, was in imminent danger of total destruc¬ 
tion, and the natives to indiscriminate massacre, by 
the hostile Creeks. They had espoused the cause 
of the Americans ; and of course had incurred all 
the vengeful malice which natural ferocity, increas¬ 
ed by religious fanaticism, could feel towards them. 
They were surrounded by a numerous body of infu¬ 
riated Creeks. Their runners beseeched Gen. Jack- 
son to relieve them from their perilous situation. 
The same sentiment that induced the general to 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


79 


hazard his reputation in protecting his countrymen 
at Natchez, induced him, without hesitation, to ex 
tend protection to those faithful natives, whose fate 
was identified with the success or defeat of the 
American arms. He commenced his march, com 
manding in person, at 12 o’clock in the evening. 
He dispatched another express to Gen. White, to 
repair that night to Fort Strother and protect it in 
his absence. To his inexpressible surprize, in a 
short time he received a message from him that he 
had, agreeable to his order, commenced a march to 
Fort Strother, but that he had received counter or¬ 
ders from Maj. Gen Cocke, to join him at Chatuga 
creek !—and that he should obey him ! 

A situation more embarrassing can hardly be 
imagined. His sick and baggage in his rear, liable 
every moment to destruction—the friendly Creeks 
in his front in momentary danger of annihilation. 
The hour of decision had come. Relying upon the 
gallantry of his troops—knowing the justice of his 
cause, and hoping for the protection of heaven, he 
rapidly advanced upon the enemy, ignorant of their 
force. The result I give in the general’s own lan¬ 
guage. 

Maj. Gen. JACKSON to Gov. BLOUNT. 

Camp Strother , near Ten Islands of Coosa. 

Nov. Uth , 1813. 

Sir—I am just returned from an excursion which 
I took a few days ago, and hasten to acquaint you 
with the result. 


0 0 


MExVlOJRa OF 


Late on the evening of the 7th inst. a runner 
arrived from the friendly party in Lashley’s Fort. 
(Talladega) distant about thirty miles below us 
with the information that the hostile Creeks, in 
great force, had encamped near the place, and 
were preparing to destroy it; and earnestly en¬ 
treated that I would lose no time in affording them 
relief. Urged by their situation, as well as by a 
wish to meet the enemy as soon as an opportunity 
would offer, I determined upon commencing my 
march thither with all my disposable force, in the 
course of the night ; and immediately dispatched an 
express to Gen. White, advising him of my intended 
movement, and urged him to hasten to this encamp¬ 
ment b}' a forced march, in order to protect it in my 
absence. 1 had repeatedly written to the general, 
to form a junction with me as speedily as practica- 
ble, and a few days before had received his assu¬ 
rance, that on the 7th he would join me. I commen¬ 
ced crossing the river at the Ten Islands, leaving 
behind me my baggage waggons and whatever might 
retard my progress, and encamped that night with¬ 
in six miles of the fort I had set out to relieve At 
midnight I had received by an Indian runner, a 
letter from Gen. White, informing me that he had 
received my order, but that he had altered his 
course, and was on his march backwards to join 
Major Gen. Cocke, near the mouth of the Chatuga. 

I will not now remark upon the strangeness of this 
manoeuvre : but it was now too late to change my 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


m 

plan, or make any new arrangements ; and be¬ 
tween 3 and 4 o’clock,! recommenced my march 
to meet the enemy, who were encamped within a 
quarter of a mile of the fort. At sunrise we came 
within half a mile of them, and having formed my 
men, I moved on in battle order. The infantry 
were in three lines—the militia on the left, and the 
volunteers on the right. The cavalry formed the 
two extreme wings, and were ordered to advance in 
a curve, keeping their rear connected with the ad¬ 
vance of their infantry lines, and enclose the enemy 
in a circle. The advanced guard whom I sent for¬ 
ward to bring on the engagement, met the attack of 
the enemy with great intrepidity ; and having pour¬ 
ed upon them four or five very galling rounds, fell 
back as they had been previously ordered, to the 
main army. The enemy pursued, and the front line 
was now ordered to advance and meet him ; but 
owing to some misunderstanding, a few companies 
of militia, who composed a part of it, commenced a 
retreat. At this moment a corps of cavalry com- 
jenanded by Lieut. Col. Dyer, which I had kept as 
a reserve was ordered to dismount, and fill up the 
vacancy occasioned by the retreat. This order was 
executed with a great deal of promptitude and ef¬ 
fect. The militia seeing this, speedily rallied : 
and the fire became general along the front line, 
and on that part of the wings which was contiguous. 
The enemy, unable to stand it, began to retreat; 
but were met at every turn, and repulsed in every 


MEMOIRS OF 


82 

direction. The right wing chased them, with a 
most destructive fire to the mountains, a distance of 
about three miles—and had I not been compelled 
by th e faux pas of the militia in the outset of the 
battle, to dismount my reserve, I believe not a man 
of them would have escaped. The victory how¬ 
ever was very decisive—290 of the enemy were 
left dead—and there can be no doubt but many 
more were killed who were not found. Wherever 
they ran they left behind traces of blood ; and it is 
believed that very few will return to their villages 
in as sound a condition as they left them. I was 
compelled to return to this place to protect the sick 
and wounded, and get my baggage on. 

In the engagement, we lost 15 killed, and 85 
wounded—2 of them have since died. All the offi¬ 
cers acted with the utmost bravery, and so did all 
the privates, except that part of the militia who re¬ 
treated at the commencement of the battle—and 
they hastened to atone for their error. Taking 
the whole together they have realized the high ex¬ 
pectations I had formed of them, and have fairly en¬ 
titled themselves to the gratitude of their country. 

ANDREW JACKSON. 
His Excellency Willie Blount, Nashville. 

The following additional dispatch completes the 
account of the Battle of Talladega. 

Camp Strother, near Ten Islands, 15th Nov. 1813. 

You will perceive from a draft which I shall send 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


83 


you, that had there been no departure from the ori¬ 
ginal order of battle, not an Indian could have es¬ 
caped ; and even as the battle did terminate, I 
believe that no impartial man can say that a more 
splendid result, has in any instance attended our 
arms on land, since the commencement of the war. 
The force of the enemy is represented by them¬ 
selves to have been 1080 ; and it does not appear 
from their lire and the space of ground which they 
occupied, that their number can have been less. 
Two hundred and ninety-nine were left dead on the 
ground ; and no doubt many more were killed who 
were not found. It is believed that very few esca¬ 
ped withont a wound. In a very few weeks, if I 
had a sufficiency of supplies, I am thoroughly con¬ 
vinced I should be able to put an end to Creek 
hostilities. 

Too much praise cannot be bestowed upon the 
advance, led on by Col. Carrol, for the spirited man¬ 
ner in which they commenced and sustained the 
attack ; nor upon the reserve, commanded by 
Lieut. Col. Dyer, and composed of Capt’s. Smith’s 
Morton’s, Axum’s, Edwards’, and Hammond’s com¬ 
panies, for the gallantry with which they met and 
repulsed the enemy. In a word, officers of every 
grade, as well as the privates, realized the high 
expectations I had formed of them, and merit the 
gratitude of their country. 

I should be doing injustice to my staff, composed 
of Majors Iteidand Searcy, my aids, Col. Sitler and 


34 


MEMOIRS OF 


Major Anthony, Adjutant, and assistant Adjutant- 
General ; Col. Carrol, Inspector-General ; Major 
Strother, topographer ; Mr. Cunnigham, my Sec¬ 
retary ; and Col. Stokey D. Haynes, Quarter-Mas¬ 
ter-General ; not to say that they were every where 
in the midst of danger, circulating my orders. They 
deserve and receive my thanks. 

I have the honour to be, &c. 

ANDREW JACKSON. 

In reading this account of the second victory ob¬ 
tained over the Creeks, it cannot have escaped the 
notice of the reader, with what delicacy the gene¬ 
ral mentions the retreat of a part of his force, and 
with what readiness he endeavours to exculpate 
them from censure, by saying—“ they hastened to 
atone for their error” This retreat, however, had 
a most pernicious effect. It tended to excuse sub¬ 
sequent retreats, and to encourage the desponding 
hopes of the Indian warriors. When they once saw 
an assailing enemy shrink from a sanguinary com¬ 
bat, they expected to see it again. 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


80 


CHAPTER VII. 

*Consequences of Brig. Gen. White’s conduct —Hillabtts 
sue for peace to Gen. Jackson—Gen. White destroys their 
towns —Measures of the Georgia Legislature—Victory at 
Autoussee —Brig. Gen. Floyd’s account of it—Gen. Jack¬ 
son’s situation in December, 1813 —Mutiny among his 
troops—also in Gen. Coffee’s brigade—dismissal of 
both. 

IN consequence of the refusal of Brig. Gen. 
White to form a junction with Gen. Jackson, or to 
repair to Fort Strother in his absence, he was com¬ 
pelled to relinquish his intentions of carrying the 
war forward into the Indian territories, and to re¬ 
turn back with his wounded to that fortress. This 
conduct of Gen. White, acting under Maj. Gen. 
Cocke, was productive of a double disadvantage, 
and a double injury—-it prolonged the war with 
the Creeks, and compelled those of them who wish¬ 
ed for peace, to continue to fight. 

The Hillabee tribes, after the signal victory at 
Talladega , were solicitous to make peace with 
Gen. Jackson and the United States. He was as 
ready to negociate as to conquer ; but before any 
terms could be made, Gen. White attacked them 
—and, while they were preparing to bury the tom¬ 
ahawk, they were compelled to wield it. Suppos¬ 
ing that the forces under Gen. White, were a part 
of Gen. Jackson’s army, and that while they were 

sueingfor peace, to be assailed by a superior force, 

8 


MEMOIRS Oi 


8 b 

was unjustifiable duplicity, they became more en¬ 
raged than ever. Desperation took the place of 
timidity, and, during the remainder of the war, the 
Hillabees never asked quarter, nor granted it. 
They fought with the raging fury of maniacs ; and 
each one seemed to have become a “ Son of Alkno- 
mock , who scorned to complain ”—they asked no 
favours, and extended no mercy. 

Gen. White destroyed the Hillabee towns as he 
entered them by conflagration. The first town 
was Little Oakfuskie , of thirty houses ; the second 
irenalga , of ninety-three houses. Nitty Choptoa , 
to use his own language, he “ considered it most 
prudent not to destroy, as it might possibly be of 
use at some future period.” Upon the 18th No¬ 
vember, he entered an Hillabee town, “ consisting” 
as he says, “ of about 316, (hostile Creeks,) of 
which number, about 60 warriors were killed on the 
spot, and the rest made prisoners.” This town he 
also destroyed. In his report he says—“ We lost 
not one drop of blood in accomplishing this enter- 
prize.” It is without a parallel, in Indian warfare, 
that so many warriors should be slain and captu¬ 
red, and “ not one drop of blood” should be lost by 
the force assailing them ; and can be accounted for, 
perhaps upon no other principle, than that the Hill¬ 
abees scorned to shed the blood of those to whom 
they were, at the very time, supplicating for peace ! 
The facts are before the reader—he must make his 
own inferences. It will surely be recollected that.. 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


8 ? 


Gen. Jackson, however sanguinary necessity com¬ 
pelled him to make the war alter this period, had 
hitherto exercised a lenity towards the Creeks, al 
most inconsistent with energy. He had acted like 
an humane conqueror, who chose rather to concili 
ate a ruthless foe by mercy, than to exterminate 
them by the sword. 

It has previously been stated, that the Creeks 
had determined to attack the frontiers of Georgia 
and Tennessee, simultaneously. Measures equally 
efficient with those adopted by the executive and 
legislature of Tennessee were adopted by the ex 
ecutive and legislature of Georgia. His Excel 
lency Peter Early , governour of that state, upon 
the 8th November, 1813, communicated to the 
Senate and House of Representatives, the informa¬ 
tion he had received of savage depredations and 
murders upon the frontiers. The legislature im 
mediately authorized the governour to cause the 
frontiers to be put in a state of defence, and to 
send a sufficient force into the heart of the Creek 
country. As the executive and military powers of 
Georgia acted in concert with Gen. Jackson, the 
measures pursued by them must necessarily be al¬ 
luded to. 

Brig. Gen. John Floyd , commanded the Georgia 
militia. The victory obtained by him at Autoussec, 
upon the Tallapoosa river, was a signal advantage 
to the American arms. It tended to increase the 
fears of the Creeks, and to hasten the conquest of 


88 


MEMOIRS O-F 


their country. Sensible that no description of this 
battle will be so gratifying to the reader, as that 
given by the accomplished commander of the gal¬ 
lant troops who achieved the victory, I present it 
in the language of the general to Gov. Early. 

“ Having received information that numbers of 
the hostile Indians were assembled at Autoussee, 
a town on the southern bank of the Tallapoosa, 
about 18 miles from the Hickory Ground, and 20 
above the junction of that river with the Coosa, I 
proceeded to its attack, with 950 of the Georgia 
militia, accompanied by between 3 and 400 friend¬ 
ly Indians. Having encamped within nine or ten 
miles of the point of destination the preceding 
evening, we resumed the march, a few minutes 
before one on the morning of the 29th, and at half 
past six were formed for action in front of the 
town. 

Booth’s battalion composed the right column, 
and marched from its centre. Watson’s battalion 
composed the left, and marched from its right— 
Vdams’ rifle company, and Merriwether’e under 
Lieut. Hendon, were on the flanks—Capt. Thomas’ 
artillery marched in front of the right column in 
the road. 

It was my intention to have completely surroun¬ 
ded the enemy, by appaying the right wing of my 
force, on Canleebee creek, at the mouth of which 
I was informed the town stood, and resting the 
left on the river bank below the town, but to 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


89 


our surprise, as the day dawned, we perceived a 
second town about 500 yards below that which we 
had first viewed, and were preparing to attack. 
The plan was immediately changed—three com¬ 
panies of infantry on the left were wheeled into 
echelon , and advanced to the low town, accompa¬ 
nied by Merriwether’s rifle company, and two 
troops of light dragoons under the command of 
Captains Irwin and Steele. 

The residue of the force approached the upper 
town, and the battle soon became general. The 
Indians presented themselves at every point, and 
fought with the desperate bravery of real fanatics. 
The well directed fire, however of the artillery, 
added to the charge of the bayonet, soon forced 
them to take refuge in the out-houses, thickets, and 
copses, in rear of the town ; many, it is believed, 
concealed themselves in caves, previously formed 
for the purpose of secure retreat, in the high bluff 
of the river, which was thickly covered with reed 
and brush wood. The Indians of the friendly par¬ 
ty who accompanied us on the expedition, were di¬ 
vided into four companies, and placed under the 
command of leaders of their selection. They were, 
by engagement entered into the day previous, to have 
crossed the river above the town, and been post¬ 
ed on the opposite shore during the action, for 
the purpose of firing on such of the enemy as might 
attempt to escape, or keep in check any reinforce-. 

ment which might probably be thrown in from the 

* * 


MEMOIRS Of 


yo 

neighbouring town; but owing to the difficulty of 
the ford, and coldness of the weather, and the 
lateness of the hour, this arrangement failed, and 
their leaders were directed to cross Canleebee 
creek, and occupy that flank, to prevent escapes 
from the Tallassee town. Some time after the ac¬ 
tion commenced, our red friends thronged in disor¬ 
der in the rear of our lines. The Cowetaws under 
M‘Intosh, and the Tookaubatchians under the Mad 
Dog’s Son, fell in on our flanks, and fought with 
an intrepidity worthy of any troops. 

At 9 o’clock, the enemy was completely driven 
from the plain, and the houses of both towns wrap¬ 
ped in flames. As we were then 60 miles frcmany 
depot of provisions, and our five days’ rations pretty 
much reduced, in the heart of an enemy’s country, 
which, in a few moments could have poured from 
its numerous towns, hosts of the fiercest warriors— 
as soon as the dead and wounded were properly 
disposed of, 1 ordered the place to be abandoned, 
and the troops to commence their march to Chata 
houchie. 

It is difficult to determine the strength of the ene¬ 
my, but from the information of some of the chiefs, 
which it is said can be relied upon, there were as¬ 
sembled at Autoussee, warriors, from eight towns, 
for its defence, it being their beloved ground on 
which they proclaimed no white man could approach 
without inevitable destruction. It is difficult to 
give a precise account of the loss of the enemy ; 


ANDREW JACKSON, 


01 


Out from the number which were lying scattered 
over the field, together with those destroyed in 
the towns, and the many slain on the bank of the 
rivef, which respectable officers affirm they saw 
laying in heaps at the waters’ edge, where they had 
been precipitated by their surviving friends, their 
loss in killed, independent of their wounded, must 
have been at least 200 [among whom were the 
Antoussee and Tallassee kings] and from the cir¬ 
cumstance of their making no efforts to molest our 
return, probably greater. The number of buildings 
burnt, some of a superiour order for the dwellings 
of savages, and filled with valuable articles, is sup 
posed to be 400. 

Adjt. Gen. Newman rendered important services 
during the action, by his cool and deliberate cour¬ 
age. My aid, Major Crawford, discharged with 
promptitude the duties of a brave and meritorious 
officer. Maj. Pace, who acted as field aid, also 
distinguished himself; both these gentlemen had 
their horses shot under them, and the latter lost 
his. Dr. Williamson, hospital surgeon, and Dr, 
Clopton, were prompt and attentive in the discharge 
of their duty towards the wounded, during the 
action. 

Major Freeman, at the head of Irwin’s troop of 
cavalry, and part of Steele’s, made a furious and 
successful charge upon a body of Indians, sabred se¬ 
veral, and completely defeated them ; Capt. Thom¬ 
as and his company, Capt. Adams’ and Lieut. Hen- 


MEM OIKS Or 


9 2 

don’s rifle companies, killed a great many Indian-, 
and deserve particular praise : Capt. Barton’s com 
pany was in the hottest of the battle, and fouglr 
like soldiers. Capts. Myric, Little, King, Broad¬ 
nax, Cleveland, Joseph T. Cunningham, and Lee. 
with their companies, distinguished themselves. 
Brig. Gen. Shackleford was of great service in 
bringing the troops into action ; and Adjt. Broad¬ 
nax, and Major Montgomery, who acted as assistant 
Adjutant, showed great activity and courage. Major 
Booth used his best endeavours in bringing his bat¬ 
talion to action, and Maj. Watson’s battalion acted with 
considerable spirit. Irwin’s, Patterson’s, and Steele’s 
troops of cavalry, whenever an opportunity pre¬ 
sented, charged with success. Lieut. Strong had 
his horse shot, and narrowly escaped, and Quarter 
Master Tennell displayed the greatest heroism, and 
miraculously escaped, though badly wounded, after 
having his horse shot from under him. The topo¬ 
graphical engineer was vigilant in his endeavours 
to render service. 

The troops deserve the highest praise for their 
fortitude in enduring hunger, cold, and fatigue, 
without a murmur, having marched 120 miles in 
seven days. 

The friendly Indians lost several killed and wound¬ 
ed, the number not exactly known. Capt. Barton, 
an active and intelligent officer, (the bearer of these 
dispatches) can more particularly explain to your 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


93 


excellency the conduct, movements, and operations 
of the army.” 

The importance of this victory may be duly ap¬ 
preciated, when it is considered, that besides the 
death of two kings and two hundred warriors— 
double that number wounded—and four hundred 
superiour Indian residences destroyed ; the reli¬ 
gious charm that had led them on to desperation, 
was dissolved. Upon “ their beloved ground on 
which they proclaimed no white man could approach, 
without inevitable destruction ,” they saw their chiefs 
and warriors fall—their houses consume, and the 
whites lose but eleven men. 

It is a little singular that Gen. Floyd should 
mention every officer that was wounded, and even 
every officer’s horse that was killed, and omit to 
mention, that he was very badly wounded himself. 
A brave man is always modest in regard to his own 
merits ; but the general seemed to have that modes¬ 
ty, which may be denominated, false, in omitting 
this in his official report. 

While these interesting events were taking place 
m one part of the Creek country, Gen. Jackson 
was placed in a most unpleasant, not to say peril¬ 
ous situation, at Fort Strother. His volunteers, 
who had become familiar with service, by descend¬ 
ing the Mississippi the preceding campaign, and 
who, with the Tennessee militia, had become famil¬ 
iar with victory over the Creeks, began to look 
toward home , for the ease and tranquillity of private 


MEMOIRS OF 


y4 

life, and to the ordinary pursuits of private business, 
as the means of advancing private interest. No 
man in the service had more reasons to wish and 
pant for retirement than Gen. Jackson. His so¬ 
licitude as commander—his extremely debilitated 
state of health—the disaffection of his men—the 
deficiency of supplies for his army—the conduct of 
the East Tennessee militia, under Gen. Cocke, 
and the open mutiny of some part of his army, 
presented a tissue of discouraging considerations, 
which would have disheartened a man of more than 
ordinary fortitude. Had he retired from the ser¬ 
vice of his country at this time, he would have re¬ 
tired with honour and with approbation. But he 
believed, and he acted upon the principle, that 
until “ all was done , nothing was done.” He knew 
that the hopes of the frontier settlers of Tennessee 
and Georgia were fixed upon him ; he knew that 
they had derived encouragement from his successes, 
and that from his exertions they hoped to be placed 
in a state of permanent security. Having encoun¬ 
tered and overcome difficulties before, he resolved 
to encounter them again, for he was now in the 
midst of them. 

The “ Tennessee Volunteers,” claimed to be 
discharged on the ground of having served one 
year out of too, from the time they were organized. 
Many of the officers who belonged to this corps, 
deserted the ground they ought to have maintained 
as soldiers, and resorted to arguments which would 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


9o 


have disgraced pettifoggers. Although they had 
not served a year, they had for that period been 
organized, and they were very much disposed to 
give weight to arguments which coincided with 
their inclinations. They resolved to leave a wil¬ 
derness where they were surrounded by implacable 
enemies ; exposed to severe privations, and in ex¬ 
pectation of enduring the dreadful horrors of fa¬ 
mine. Gen. Jackson exerted every faculty to 
arouse their desponding spirits. He appealed to 
the pride of the volunteers, by reminding them of 
the expedition to Natchez, and of the victories which 
they and the militia, had gained over the Creeks. 
Me appealed to the sensibility of them all, by rep¬ 
resenting the danger of their fathers and mothers, 
their wives and children. He alluded to the mas¬ 
sacre atFortMimms, in Mississippi, and endeavour¬ 
ed to arouse their revenge. He endeavoured to 
excite their vanity, by speaking of the fame the 
“ Tennessee Volunteers” had acquired at Tallusr 
hatches and Talladega. But every avenue to per¬ 
suasion was closed. The cogent addresses of the 
general, were lost upon the apathy of the soldiers, 
and the volunteers became mutineers. The gene¬ 
ral laid aside the language of entreaty and assumed 
that of command. He prevented, at the hazard of 
his life, the departure of the troops ; but soon 
found than an army which required one half of it 
to guard the other, had no efficiency. He ordered 
them to be marched home, and to be disposed of 
by the President or the Governour of Tennessee. 


9b 


MEMOIRS UM- 


It was now about the middle of December. 
Gen. Cocke, had for the first time joined Gen. 
Jackson ; but upon finding the time for which his 
men were enlisted, had nearly expired, and that he 
could not hope from patriotism, what he could not 
enforce by power, he ordered Gen. Cocke, to march 
his troops home. But few troops now remained 
with Gen. Jackson. Soon after the battle of Tal¬ 
ladega, Brig. Gen. Coffee’s mounted volunteers 
and cavalry were permitted to retire into the set¬ 
tlements, to recruit their horses. They were to 
rendezvous at Huntsville, in Mississippi, upon the 
8th December, where Gen. Coffee was dangerously 
sick. Upon this excellent officer and his gallant 
men, Gen. Jackson placed the most confident reli¬ 
ance. They rendezvoused upon the 8th ; but they 
had caught the infection that pervaded the infantry 
—The fever of private life. They however pro¬ 
ceeded toward head-quarters ; but they were no 
longer “ the men they were” It must always be 
admitted, that they had already rendered essential 
service to their country, and it was the reputation 
they had acquired, that rendered it desirable to 
have them continue in the service. Gen. Jackson, 
seconded in all his views by the gallant Coffee, and 
by many patriots of the first water, exerted again 
his great powers ; but exerted them in vain. Gov. 
Blount ordered the volunteers to be dismissed , and 
they returned home. 


AM DREW JACKSON, 


97 


CHAPTER Vlil. 

Gen. Jackson’s situation at the commencement of 1814—his 
hopes revive—Victory at Eccanachaca , or Holy Ground 
—Witherford, the Indian Prophet—Col. Carroll joins Gen. 
Jackson—Victories at Emuckfaw , Jan. 22d—at Enotachop- 
co , the 24th—Gen. Jackson’s official report of them—Ap¬ 
plause bestowed upon soldiers. 

GEN. JACKSON was now in a situation which 
required all the fortitude of the man—all the nerve 
of the soldier, and all the sagacity of the statesman. 
He held frequent communications with Gov. Blount 
of Tennessee, Gov. Early of Georgia, and Maj. 
Gen. Pinckney ; and his opinion seemed to be a 
guide for theirs. Certain it is, that Gov. Blount, 
toward the close of 1813, owing to the disaffection 
of the Tennessee troops, and the reluctance with 
which volunteers appeared, recommended an aban¬ 
donment of the expedition into the Creek country. 
The urgent and cogent expostulations of Gen. 
Jackson, induced him to change his opinion, and to 
resort to the most energetic measures to prosecute 
the war which had been so successfully commenced 
by him. 

Perhaps the situation of Gen. Jackson, at this 
time, cannot be better described than it is in the 
following letter, written by a gentleman, known by 

the author to be of the first respectability. 

9 


/ 


98 MEMOIRS OF 

Huntsville , M. T. Dec. 23, 1813. 

“Since the battle of Tallushatches and Tallade¬ 
ga, the army of Gen. Jackson has crumbled to pie¬ 
ces. The whole of his volunteer infantry are 
returning home—insisting that their time of service 
expired on the 10th of this month, being the anniver¬ 
sary of their rendezvous at Nashville. The general, 
however did not discharge them ; the decision is 
left with the governour of Tennessee. What he will 
do, is not yet known. The universal impression, 
however, is, that they will be discharged. Yet 
nothing is more clear than that they have not ser¬ 
ved 12 months—and they were, by law, to serve 
12 months in a period of 2 years, unless sooner 
discharged. The general’s force now at fort Stro¬ 
ther, Ten Islands of Coosa, may amount to about 
1500 men, chiefly drafted militia. Of these, nearly 
the whole will be entitled to discharge about the 
4th of the ensuing month. It is supposed that not 
more than 150, or 200 (who are attached to the 
general personally, and will remain through motives 
of affection,) will be left with him after that day. 
Doubtless you know that the brigade of cavalry 
volunteers and mounted riflemen under the com¬ 
mand of Gen. Coffee, were some time since ordered 
into the settlements to recruit their horses for a few 
days, and procure new ones. About half, perhaps 
800, appeared at the day and place of rendezvous ; 
but of these not more than 600 would consent te 
go on after the 10th. About half of this last num 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


99 

ber were of the old voluuteer cavalry, the rest 
mounted men newly raised. The first will cer¬ 
tainly return with the volunteer infantry, their terra 
commencing and expiring together. The last claim 
a discharge at the expiration of three months from 
the day they were mustered into service ; which 
must be nearly out. We may say, then, that all 
these are gone too. Yet Gen. Jackson has very 
recently received an order from Gen. Pinckney, to 
garrison and maintain every inch of ground he gains. 
\nd although all active exertions of the campaign 
seem to be paralised, I still hope this may, and will 
be done. Gen. Cocke is now in E. Tennessee, en¬ 
deavouring to collect a new levy ; as to his success 
we know nothing. But Gen. Roberts , from West 
Tennessee, passed through our country three days 
ago, and has just crossed the river with about 250 
men. Col. Carroll, inspector-general of this army, 
arrived to day with a force of 5 or 600, and 4 com¬ 
panies are proposed to be sent from this county. 
How’ long thsse men are to serve, I know’ not—not 
longer I fancy than three months. 1 trust, however, 
that this system of short service, wretched as it is in¬ 
efficient, and expensive above all others, will yet 
enable Jackson to occupy till spring the ground he 
has won. Perhaps the return of moderate weather, 
and great efforts meanwhile, may collect around his 
banner, an army sufficient to effect the complete dis¬ 
comfiture and prostration of the Creek power. This, 
however, will he every day a work of greater diffi- 


MEMOIRS Or 


*60 

culty. The English have already appeared us 
force at Pensacola,7 sail having troops on board, 
besides two bomb vessels. Orleans will be mena¬ 
ced. Mobile is considered in great danger. The 
force on theTombigbee waters, and the 3d regiment 
ascending the Alabama, will be called to its defence. 
This gives the Creeks breathing time, and lessens 

the force destined to crush them. Augustine, too, 

« 

will doubtless be occupied by British troops ; and 
from these points, arms, ammunition, and perhaps 
men and leaders, will be pushed up to the aid of the 
Upper and Middle Creeks. The Seminoles and 
the runaway negroes among them, may be turned 
loose upon the sea coast ofGeorgia.’'’ 

To experienced officers and soldiers, who know 
the importance of efficient authority in a com¬ 
mander, and the necessity of strict obedience in 
an army, the circumstances in which Gen. Jackson 
was placed, would be considered as calculated t® 
excite apprehensions, if not discouragement. His 
army was an anomaly in military tactics. It would 
remind a spectator of aboard of actors at a theatre, 
who individually entered the stage—performed the 
part of a comedian or a tragedian, and made 
each one his exit, as whim or fancy dictated—and 
returned at call of the manager, or disappeared 
forever. 

The firmness, the constancy, and the courage of 
Gen. Jackson, increased as the prospects of suc¬ 
cess diminished. As to his enemies, the Creeks, 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


101 


he was ready to meet them with almost any dispar¬ 
ity of force. To meet them was to conquer them. 
But to see his friends disheartened, and his secret 
enemies plotting his discomfiture, was “the unkind- 
est cut of all” and would have justified him in ex¬ 
claiming, with a most pathetic bard— 

# 

“ The shaft that deepest in my bosom went, 
u Flew from the bow pretended friendship bent.” 

General Jackson found every appeal he made to 
the patriotism of the troops, when the day of dis¬ 
charge arrived, wholly fruitless, and he no longer 
attempted to detain them. It was to him a source 
of real consolation, however, that a number of per¬ 
sonal friends, and accomplished officers, remained 
true to him, to their country, and to their God. 
From them, he knew he should derive every assist¬ 
ance in preparing the new recruits, who were as¬ 
sembling at Huntsville, in Mississippi, and who 
had not become infected with mutiny. 

\s the most impervious darkness, is said to per¬ 
vade the horizon immediately before the dawn of 
day, so when the darkest clouds of adversity en¬ 
veloped Gen. Jackson, and his few patriotic asso¬ 
ciates, the most cheering reverse of fortune was at 
hand. 

Although there was no immediate connection be¬ 
tween the volunteers upon the Alabama river, under 
the command of Brig. Gen. Claiborne, yet the for¬ 
ces under each, as well as those under the gal- 

9 * 


102 


MEMOIRS OF 


lant Gen. Floyd .all acted in concert. Gen. Jack 
son was constantly advised of their movements, 
and constantly exerting himself to relieve them. 
He had no wish to monopolize the glory of con¬ 
quering the most warlike tribe of barbarians in the 
universe. He wished for no laurels, but the grati¬ 
tude of his countrymen, for the protection which 
he and other gallant officers and soldiers might se 
cure for them. 

About the 1st of January, 1814, he received the 
animating intelligence that Gen. Claiborne had 
achieved an important victory upon the Alabama., 
more than one hundred miles above Fort Stoddart, 
his head quarters. The town where the battle was 
fought, was called Eccanachaca , or Holy Ground. 
ft was the residence of Witherford, Francis , and 
Sinquistcr , principal prophets. It was built since 
the commencement of hostilities as a place of secu¬ 
rity for the natives, and as a depot for provisions. 
Like Autoussee , it was deemed the grave of white 
men. Upon the 23d December, it was attacked; 
between thirty and forty warriors were slain; the 
whole town, of 200 houses, destroyed, and an im¬ 
mense quantity of provisions taken. The town 
being surrounded by swamps and deep ravines, 
facilitated the escape of the savages from the pur¬ 
suit of the Americans. The next day, a town of 
sixty houses, about eight miles above the holy 
ground, was destroyed ; together with three dis¬ 
tinguished Indians, and all the Indians’ boats. 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


103 


Witherford, the Indian Prophet just mentioned, 
was the commander of the Indians, in their furious 
and murderous attack upon Fort Mimms, at Ten- 
saw settlement, in Missisippi. He narrowly escaped 
capture, and continued to fight with the rage of a 
fanatic, the fury of a daemon, and the diabolical 
ferocity of a devil incarnate, until, saturated with 
the blood of Americans, and witnessing the almost 
total extinction of his own tribe, lie voluntarily and 
dauntlessly, Hung himself into the hands of Gen. 
Jackson, and demanded his protection. He will 
again be mentioned. 

While these interesting events were transpiring 
upon the Alabama, a newly organized corps were 
raising in Tennessee and Mississippi, to resort to 
the standard of Gen. Jackson, who were designed, 
with those who should follow’ them, to put an end 
to the most sanguinary war which savage vengeance, 
aided by British gold, and Spanish perfid}^, ever 
prosecuted. 

A gallant officer now commenced his military 
career, which was consummated at New-Orleans, 
by a crown of unfading laurels-~Col. Carrol. 
He proceeded to Fort Strother upon the 2d Jan¬ 
uary, 1814, to concert measures with Gen. Jack- 
son. They were concerted and executed with a 
celerity which may well astonish the veteran mar¬ 
shals of Europe. 

It would be unpardonable in the author to at¬ 
tempt to detail them in his own language, since he 


104 


MEMOIRS Of 


has it in his power to present the reader with the 
deeply interesting official report which follows. 

Maj. Gen. JACKSON, of Tennessee Volunteers , to 
Maj. Gen. PINCKNEY, of the U. S. Army . 

Head Quarters, Fort Strother, Jan. 29, 1814. 
.Maj. Gen. Thomas Pinckney , 

Sir—I had the honour of informing you in a let¬ 
ter of the 31st ult. [express] of an excursion I 
contemplated making still further in the enemy’s 
country, with the new raised volunteers from Ten¬ 
nessee. I had ordered those troops to form a 
junction with me on the 10th inst. but they did 
not arrive until the 14th. Their number, including 
officers, was about 800, and on the 15th, I marched 
them across the river to graze their horses. On 
the next day I followed with the remainder of my 
force, consisting of the artillery company, with one 
six pounder, one company of infantry of 48 men, 
two companies of spies commanded by Capts. 
Gordon and Russell, of about 30 men each, and a 
company of volunteer officers, headed by Gen. 
Coffee, who had been abandoned by his men, and 
who still remained in the held awaiting the orders 
of the government; making my force, exclusive of 
Indians, nine hundred and thirty. 

The motives which influenced me to penetrate 
still farther into the enemy’s country, with this 
force, were many and urgent. The terms of ser¬ 
vice of the new raised volunteers was short, and a 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


10 J 


considerable part of it was expired ; they were ex¬ 
pensive to the government; and were full of ardour 
to meet the enemy. The ill effects of keeping 
soldiers of this description long stationary and idle, 
I had been made to Teel but too sensibly already— 
other causes concurred to make such a movement 
not only justifiable, but absolutely necessary. I 
had received a letter from Capt. M’Alpin, of the 
oth inst. who commanded at Fort Armstrong in the 
absence of Col. Snodgrass, informing me that 14 
or 15 towns of the enemy, situated on the waters 
of the Tallapoosa, were about uniting their forces, 
and attacking that place, which had been left in a 
very feeble state of defence. You had in your let¬ 
ter of the 24th ult. informed me that Gen. Floyd 
was about to make a movement to the- Tallapoosa, 
near its junction with the Coosa ; and in the same 
letter, had recommended temporary excursions 
against such of the enemy’s towns, or settlements,, 
as might be within striking distance, as well to 
prevent my men from becoming discontented, as 
to harass the enemy. Y r our ideas corresponded 
exactly with my own, and 1 was happy in the op¬ 
portunity of keeping my men engaged, distressing 
the enemy, and at the same time making a diver¬ 
sion to facilitate the operations of Gen. Floyd. 

Determined by these and other considerations, t 
took up the line of march on the 17th inst. and on 
the 18th, encamped at Talladega Fort, where I was 
joined by between 2 and 300 friendly Indians : 6 r * 


106 


MEMOIRS OF 


of whom were Cherokees, the balance Creeks* 
Here I received your letter of the 9th inst. stating 
that Gen Floyd was expected to make a movement 
from Cowetau the next day, and that in 10 days 
thereafter he would establish a firm position at 
Tuckbatchee ; and also a letter from Col. Snod,- 
grass, who had returned to Fort Armstrong, infor¬ 
ming me that an attack was intended to be soon 
made on that Fort, by 900 of the enemy. If I 
could have hesitated before, l could now hesitate 
no longer. 1 resolved to lose no time in meeting 
this force, which was understood to have been col¬ 
lected from New Yorcau, Oakfuskie, and Ufauley 
towns, and were concentrated in a bend of the 
Tallapoosa, near the mouth of a creek, called 
Emuckfau, and on an island below New Yorcau. 

On the morning of the 20th, your letter of the 
10th inst. forwarded by M’Candles, reached me at 
the Hillabee Creek ; and that night I encamped at 
Enotachopco, a small Hillabee village, about twelve 
miles from Emuckfau. Here I began to perceive 
very plainly how little knowledge my spies had of 
the country, of the situation of the enemy, or of 
the distance I w r as from them. The insubordina¬ 
tion of the new troops, and the want of skill in 
most of their officers, also became more and more- 
apparent. But their ardour to meet the enerm 
was not diminished ; and I had sure reliance upon 
the guards, and upon the company of old volunteer 
officers, and upon the spies, in all about 125. M* 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


107 


wishes and my duty remained united, and I was 
determined to effect, if possible, the objects for 
which the excursion had been principally under*- 
taken. 

On the morning of the 21st, I marched from Eno- 
tachopco, as direct as I could for the bend of the 
Tallapoosa, and about 2 o’clock, P. M. my spies 
having discovered two of the enemy, endeavoured 
to overtake them, but failed. In the evening I fell 
in upon a large trail, which led to a new road, much 
beaten, and lately travelled. Knowing that I must 
have arrived within the neighbourhood of a strong 
force, and it being late in the day, I determined to 
encamp, and reconnoitre the country in the night. 

1 chose the best site the country would admit, en¬ 
camped in a hollow square, sent out my spies and 
pickets, doubled my sentinels, and made the neces¬ 
sary arrangements before dark, for a night attack. 
About 10 o’clock at night, one of the pickets fired 
at three of the enemy, and killed one, but he was 
not found until the next day. At eleven o’clock, 
the spies whom I had sent out, returned with the 
information, that there was a large encampment of 
Indians at the distance of about three miles, who 
from their whooping and dancing, seemed to be ap¬ 
prized of our approach. One of these spies, an 
Indian in whom I had great confidence, assured me 
that they were carrying off their women and chil¬ 
dren, and that the warriors would either make their 
escape, or attack ore before day. Being prepared 


108 


MEMOIRS O i 


at all points, nothing remained to be done but to 
await their approach, if they meditated an attack, 
or to be in readiness, if they did not, to pursue and 
attack them at day light. While we were in this 
state of readiness, the enemy about six o’clock in 
the morning commenced a vigorous attack on my 
left flank, which was vigorously met; the action 
continued to rage on my left flank, and on the left 
of my rear, for about half an hour. The brave 
Gen. Coffee, with Col. Sitler, the Adj. Gen. and 
Col. Carroll, the Inspector-General, the moment 
the bring commenced, mounted their horses and 
repaired to the line, encouraging and animating 
the men to the performance of their duty. So soon 
as it became light enough to pursue, the left wing 
having sustained the heat of the action, and being 
somewhat weakened, was reinforced by Capt. Fer- 
rill’s company of infantr}', and was ordered and led 
on to the charge by Gen. Coffee, who was Tvell 
supported by Col. Higgins and the Inspector-Gene¬ 
ral, and by all the officers and privates who com¬ 
posed that line. The enemy was completely rout¬ 
ed at every point, and the friendly Indians joining 
in the pursuit, they were chased about two miles 
with considerable slaughter. 

The chase being over, I immediatsly detached 
Gen. Coffee with 400 men, and all the Indian force, 
to burn their encampment; but it was said by some 
to be fortified. I ordered him in that event, not 
to attack it until the artillery could be sent forward 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


loy 

to reduce it. On viewing the encampment and its 
strength, the general thought it most prudent to re¬ 
turn to my encampment, and guard the artillery 
thither. The wisdom of this step was soon discov¬ 
ered—in half an hour after his return to camp, a 
considerable force of the enemy made its appear¬ 
ance on my right dank, and commenced a brisk lire 
on a party of men, who had been on picket guard 
the night before, and were then in search of the In¬ 
dians they had fired upon, some of whom they be¬ 
lieved had been killed. Gen. Coffee immediately 
requested me to let him take 200 men, and turn 
their left flank, which I accordingly ordered ; but, 
through some mistake, which I did not then observe, 
not more than 54 followed him, among whom were 
the old volunteer officers. With these, however, 
he immediately commenced an attack on the left 
flank of the enemy ; at which time I ordered 200 of 
the friendly Indians, to fall in upon the right flank of 
the enemy, and co-operate with the general. This 
order was promptly obeyed, and on the moment of 
its execution, what I expected was realized. The 
enemy had intended the attack on the right as a 
feint, and expecting to direct all my attention 
thither, meant to attack me again, and with their 
main force on the left flank, which they had hoped 
to find weakened and in disorder—they were dis¬ 
appointed. I had ordered the left flank to remain 
firm in its place, and the moment the alarm gun 

was heard in that quarter, I repaired thither, and 

10 


110 


MEMOIRS OF 


ordered Capt. Ferrill, part of my reserve, to sup¬ 
port it. The whole line met the approach of the 
enemy with astonishing intrepidity, and having 
given a few fires, they forthwith charged with great 
vigour—the effect was immediate and inevitable. 
The enem}' fled with precipitation, and were pur¬ 
sued to a considerable distance, by the left flank 
and the friendly Indians, with a galling and des¬ 
tructive fire. Col. Carrol, who ordered the charge, 
led on the pursuit, and Col. Higgins and his regi¬ 
ment again distinguished themselves. 

In the mean time, Gen. Coffee was contending 
with a superior force of the enemj^. The Indians 
who I had ordered to his support, and who had set 
out for this purpose, hearing the firing on the left, 
had returned to that quarter, and when the enemy 
were routed there, entered into the chase. That 
being now over, I forthwith ordered Jim Fife, who 
was one of the principal commanders of the friend¬ 
ly Creeks, with 100 of his warriors, to execute my 
first order. So soon as he reached Gen. Coffee, the 
charge was made, and the enemy routed ; they 
were pursued about three miles, and 45 of them 
slain, who were found. Gen. Coffee was wounded 
in the body, and his aid-de-camp, A. Donaldson, 
killed, together with three others. Having brought 
in and buried the dead, and dressed the wounded, 
I ordered my camp to be fortified, to be the better 
prepared to repel any attack which might be made 
in the night, determined to make a return march 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


Ill 


to Fort Strother the following day. Many causes 
concurred to make such a measure necessary, as 1 
had not set out prepared, or with a view to make 
a permanent establishment. I considered it worse 
than useless to advance, and destroy an empty en¬ 
campment. I had,indeed, hoped to have met the 
enemy there, but having met and beaten them a 
little sooner, I did not think it necessary or prudent 
to proceed any farther—not necessary, because 1 
had accomplished all I could expect to effect by 
marching to their encampment; and because if it 
was proper to contend with and weaken their forces 
still farther, this object would be more certainly 
attained, by commencing a return, which having to 
them the appearance of a retreat, would inspirit 
them to pursue me. Not prudent—because of the 
number of my wounded ; of the reinforcements 
from below, which the enemy might be expected 
to receive ; of the starving condition of my horses, 
they having had neither corn nor cane for two days 
and nights ; of the scarcity of supplies for my men, 
the Indians who joined me at Talladega having 
drawn none, and being wholly destitute ; and be¬ 
cause if the enemy pursued me, as it was likely 
they would, the diversion in favour of Gen. Floyd 
would be the more complete and effectual. Influ¬ 
enced by these considerations, I commenced my 
return march, at half after ten on the 23d, and was 
fortunate enough to reach Enotachopco before night, 
having passed without interruption, a dangerous 


U2 


MEMOIRS OF 


defile occasioned by a hurricane. 1 again fortified 
my camp, and having another defile to pass in the 
morning, across a deep creek, and between two 
hills which I had viewed w ith attention as I passed 
on, and where I expected I might be attacked, I de¬ 
termined to pass it at another point, and gave di¬ 
rections to my guide and fatigue men accordingly. 
My expectation of an attack in the morning was 
increased by the signs of the night, and with it my 
caution. Before I moved the wounded from the 
interior of my camp, I had my front and rear guards 
formed, as well as my right and left columns, and 
moved off my centre in regular order, leading down 
a handsome ridge to Enotachopco creek, at a point 
where it was clear of reed, except immediately on 
its margin. I had previously issued a general order, 
pointing out the manner in which the men should 
be formed in the event of an attack on the front or 
rear, or on the flanks, and had particularly caution¬ 
ed the officers to halt and form accordingly, the 
instant the w r ord should be given. 

The front guard had crossed with part of the 
dank columns, the wounded were over, and the ar¬ 
tillery in the act of entering the creek, when an 
alarm gun was heard in the rear. I heard it with¬ 
out surprise and even with pleasure, calculating 
with the utmost confidence on the firmness of my 
troops, from the manner in which I had seen them 
act on the 22d. I had placed Col. Carrol at the 
head of the centre column of the rear guard-j its 


113 


ANDREW JACKSON. 

right column was commanded by Gol. Perkins, and 
its left by Col. Stump. Having chosen the ground, 
1 expected there to have entirely cut off the enemy, 
by wheeling the right and left columns on their pi¬ 
vot, recrossing the creek above and below, and fall¬ 
ing in upon their flanks and rear. But to my aston¬ 
ishment and mortification, when the word was given 
by Col. Carrol to halt and form, and a few guns 
had been fired, I beheld the right and left columns 
of the rear guard precipitately give way. This 
shameful retreat was disastrous in the extreme ; 
it drew along with it the greater part of the cen¬ 
tre column, leaving not more than 25 men, who be¬ 
ing formed by Col. Carrol, maintained their ground 
as long as it was possible to maintain it, and it 
brought consternation and confusion into the cen¬ 
tre of the army ; a consternation which was not ea¬ 
sily removed, and a confusion which could not be 
soon restored to order. There was then left to re¬ 
pulse the enemy, the few who remained of the rear 
guard, the artillery company, and Capt. Russell’s 
company of spies. They however, realized, and 
exceeded my highest expectations. Lieut. Arm¬ 
strong, who commanded the artillery company in 
the absence of Capt. Deaderick, (confined by sick¬ 
ness,) ordered them to form and advance to the top 
of the hill, whilst he and a few others dragged up 
the six pounder. Never was more bravery displayed 
than on this occasion. Amidst the most galling fire 

from the enemy, more than ten times their num- 

10 * 


114 


MEMOIRS OF 


ber, they ascended the hill, and maintained their 
position until their piece was hauled up, when hav¬ 
ing levelled it, they poured upon the enemy a fire 
of grape, reloaded and fired again, charged and 
repulsed them. 

The most deliberate bravery was displayed by 
Constantine Perkins and Craven Jackson, of the 
artillery, acting as gunners. In the hurry of the 
moment, in separating the gun from the limbers, 
the rammer and picker of the cannon was left tied 
to the limber. No sooner was this discovered, 
than Jackson, amidst the galling fire of the enemy, 
pulled out the ramrod of his musket and used it 
as a picker ; primed with a cartridge and fired the 
cannon. Perkins having pulled off his bayonet, 
used his musket as a rammer, drove down the car¬ 
tridge ; and Jackson using his former plan, again 
discharged her. The brave Lieut. Armstrong, just 
after the first fire of the cannon, with Capt. Ham¬ 
ilton of E. Tennessee, Bradford and M‘Gavock, 
all fell, the Lieut, exclaiming as he lay, “ my brave 
fellows, some of you may fall, but you must save the 
cannon .” About this time, a number crossed the 
creek and entered into the chase. The brave 
Capt. Gordon of the spies, who rushed from the 
front, endeavoured to turn the flank of the enemy, 
in which he partially succeeded, and Col. Carrol, 
Col. Higgins, and Capt. Elliot and Pipkins, pursu¬ 
ed the enemy for more than two miles, who fled in 
consternation, throwing away their packs, and leav- 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


i 1 5 

ing 26 of their warriors dead on the field. This 
last defeat was decisive, and we were no more- 
disturbed by their yells. I should do injustice to 
my feelings if I omitted to mention that the venera¬ 
ble Judge Cocke* at the age of 65, entered into 
engagement, continued the pursuit of the enemy 
with youthful ardour, and saved the life of a fellow 
soldier by killing his savage antagonist. 

Our loss in this affair was — killed and wounded, 
among the former was the brave Capt. Hamilton 
from E. Tennessee, who had with his aged father 
and two others of his company, after the period of 
his engagement had expired, volunteered his servi¬ 
ces for this excursion, and attached himself to the 
artillery company. No man ever fought more 
bravely, or fell more gloriously ; and by his side 
fell with equal bravery and glory, Bird Evans of 
the same company. Capt. Quarles, who command¬ 
ed the centre column of the rear guard, preferring 
death to the abandonment of his post, having taken 
a firm stand in which he was followed by 25 of his 
men, received a wound in his head of which he has 
since died. * 

In these several engagements, our loss was 20 
killed and 75 wounded, 4 of whom have since died. 
The loss of the enemy cannot be accurately ascer¬ 
tained ; 189 of their warriors were found dead ; 
but this must fall considerably short of the number 
really killed. Their wounded can only be guessed 
at. 


MEMOIRS OF 


116 

Had it not been for the unfortunate retreat of the 
rear guard in the affair of the 24th inst. I think I 
could safely have said, that no army of militia ever 
acted with more cool and deliberate bravery : un- 
disciplined and inexperienced as they were, their 
conduct in the several engagements of the 22d, 
could not have been surpassed by regulars. No 
men ever met the approach of an enemy with more 
intrepidity, or repulsed them with more energy 
On the 24th, after the retreat of the rear guard, 
they seemed to have lost all their collectedness, and 
were more difficult to be restored to order, than 
any troops I had ever seen. But this was no doubt, 
owing in a great measure, or altogether, to that 
very retreat, and ought rather to be ascribed to the 
want of conduct in many of their officers, than any 
cowardice in the men, who on every occasion, have 
manifested a willingness to perform their duty, so 
far as they knew it. 

All the effects which were designed to be pro¬ 
duced by this excursion, it is believed have been 
produced. If an attack was meditated against Fort 
Armstrong, that has been prevented. If Gen. 
Floyd is operating on the east side of the Tallapoo¬ 
sa, as I suppose him to be, a most fortunate di¬ 
version has been made in his favour. The number 
of the enemy has been diminished, and the confi¬ 
dence they may have derived from the delays I 
have been made to experience, has been destroyed. 
Discontent has been kept out of my army, while 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


117 


the troops who would have been exposed to it, have 
been beneficially employed. The enemy’s coun¬ 
try has been explored, and a road cut to the point 
where their force will probably be concentrated, 
when they shall be driven from the country below. 
But in a report of this kind, and to you who will 
immediately perceive them, it is not necessary to 
state the happy consequences which may be ex¬ 
pected to result from this excursion. Unless I am 
greatly mistaken, it will be found to have hastened 
the termination of the Creek war, more effectually 
than any measure I could have taken with the troops 
under my command. 1 am, Sir, with sentiments of 
high respect, Your Obedient servant, 

ANDREW JACKSON, Mai. Gen. 

When it is considered what troops Gen. Jackson 
had to command, and what enemies he had to fight, 
the two victories at Ernuckfaw , on the 22d, and the 
signal one of Enotaehopco , on the 24th, will bear 
a comparison with any in modern warfare. The 
liberal applause the general bestows upon the brave, 
and the excuse he finds for those whose “ retreat 
ought rather to be ascribed to the want of conduct in 
many of their officers, than to any cowardice in the 
men,’' must endear him forever to the soldier. 
The “ venerable Judge Cocke, ” (who survived,) and 
“ the brave Lieut. Armstrong ,” and Capes. Hamilton 
and Quarles, (who all fell,) are placed, by the gen¬ 
eral’s report, upon the rolls of fame. 


118 


MEMOIRS OJ 


CHAPTER JX. 

Gen. Jackson prepares for a new expedition—receives an 
account of the victory at Chatahouchee —adopts a new 
mode to obtain supplies—Army Contractors—Energetic 
measures—Great victory at Tohopeka —Savage warfare 
—British and Spanish emissaries. 

THE solicitude evinced by Gen. Jackson, in his 
report incorporated in the last chapter, for the 
safety, security, and success of Gen. Floyd, could 
not have escaped the attention of the reader. It 
must have been greatly diminished by the signal 
victories he therein so perspicuously describes ; 
but this did not induce him to remit any of his cus¬ 
tomary vigilance, or to omit any measure necessary 
to secure the advantage he had gained. He had 
“scotched the snake, not killed him” 

Gen. Jackson had now with him, his beloved 
associates, Brig. Gen. Coffee, Col. Dyer, Col. 
Carrol, Maj. Reid, (his aid,) and many other ac¬ 
complished and patriotic officers. The disaffected 
officers had either retired to that obscurity which 
was their only safety, or remained envious specta¬ 
tors of that excellence which they could not reach, 
and detractors of those great men, whose gallant 
exploits they had not the courage to achieve. He 
had a band of new volunteers, who had suddenly 
become veterans, and familiarized with victory. 
But still his force was inadequate to the complete 
accomplishment of his primary object—the effectu- 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


119 


ui subjection of the Creeks. He knew that the 
government of the American Republic had invio¬ 
lably regarded all treaties made, and performed 
every stipulation entered into with them. He 
knew, and he lamented, the infatuation under 
which they acted, and regretted that a race of be¬ 
ings, possessing the most exalted courage, should 
become victims in subserving the cause of the 
British and Spanish monarchs. But his duty to 
his country was, with him, paramount to every 
other consideration ; and he was resolved, as long 
as the last glimmer of hope remained unextinguish¬ 
ed, not to despair of the commonwealth. 

After the victories of the 22d and 24th, he and 
his officers, were incessantly engaged in disciplin¬ 
ing the forces with them, and incorporating into 
the little army such recruits as arrived. These 
duties w r ere entirely different from those belonging 
to officers in the regular army, at a well appointed 
cantonment. There, the commanding and subor¬ 
dinate officers have specific duties to perform ; and 
the soldiers, so far from thinking of disobedience, 
or plotting mutinies, scarcely utter a complaint. 
Gen. Jackson had never yet commanded such a 
body of men, in such a situation. His subordinate 
officers had been his companions, and his volun¬ 
teers had been his fellow citizens. He had de¬ 
pended more upon the weight of his character, and 
his devotion to the service, than upon military 
authority, to accomplish what he had done. He 


120 


MEMOIRS OF 


had, in many instances, found that the most urgent 
entreaties, and the most energetic remonstrances, 
were ineffectual, and was now resolved to exercise 
the authority which was vested in him. 

While he was exerting every faculty which native 
energy and military authority, enabled him to call 
into operation, to prepare for more important 
measures, he w r as highly gratified at receiving the 
most favourable intelligence from the Georgia for¬ 
ces under Brig. Gen. Floyd. 

That officer was stationed, with his troops, at 
Camp Defiance, fifty miles west of Chatahouchee. 
Upon the 27th January, he was assailed very early, 
by a numerous horde of savages. The sentinels 
were suddenly driven in, and a most desperate at¬ 
tack was commenced upon the lines. Gen. Floyd 
thus describes the engagement. 

“ The steady firmness and incessant fire of Capt. 
Thomas’ artillery, and Capt. Adams’ riflemen, pre- 
served our front line : both of these suffered greatly. 
The enemy rushed within 30 yards of the artillery, 
and Capt. Broadnax, wffio commanded one of the 
picket guards, maintained his post with great brave¬ 
ry, until the enemy gained his rear, and then cut his 
way through them to the army. On this occasion, 
Timpoochie Barnuel , a half breed, at the head of (he 
Uchies , distinguished himself, and contributed to the 
retreat of the picket guard : the other friendly In¬ 
dians took refuge within our lines and remained in¬ 
active, with the exception of a few who joined our 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


121 


rank?. So soon as it became light enough to dis¬ 
tinguish objects, I ordered Majors Watson’s and 
Freeman’s battalions, to wheel up at right angles, 
with Majors Booth’s and Cleveland’s battalions, 
(who formed the right wing,) to prepare for the 
charge. Capt. Duke Hamilton’s cavalry, (who 
had reached me but the day before,) was ordered 
to form in the rear of the right wing, to act as cir¬ 
cumstances should dictate. The order for the 
charge was promptly obeyed, and the enemy fled in 
every direction before the bayonet. The signal 
was given for the charge of the cavalry, who pursu¬ 
ed, and sabred 15 of the enemy ; who left 37 dead 
on the field. From the effusion of blood, and the 
number of head-dresses and war-clubs found in vari¬ 
ous directions, their loss must have been considera 
ble,independent of the wounded. 

I directed the friendly Indians, with Merriweth 
er’s and Ford’s rifle companies, accompanied by 
Capt. Hamilton’s troop, to pursue them through 
Callibee Swamp, where they were trailed by their 
blood, but succeeded in overtaking but one of their 
wounded. 

Col. Newman received three balls in the com¬ 
mencement of the action, which deprived me of the" 
services of that gallant and useful officer. The as¬ 
sistant Adjt. Gen. Narden, was indefatigable in the 
discharge of his duty, and rendered important ser¬ 
vices : his horse was wounded under him. The 

whole of the staff was prompt, and discharged their 

11 


122 


MEMOIRS OP 


duty with courage and fidelity ; their vigilance, the 
intrepidity of the officers, and the firmness of the 
men, meet my approbation, and deserve the praise 
of their country. I have to regret the death of 
many of my brave fellows, who have found honour- 
able graves in the voluntary support of their coun¬ 
try. 

My aid-de-camp, in executing my orders, had his 
horse killed under him. Gen. Lee and Maj. Pace, 
who acted as additional aids, rendered me essential 
services, with honour to themselves, and usefulness 
to the cause in which they have embarked. Four 
waggon, and several other horses were killed, and 
two of the artillery horses wounded. While I de¬ 
plore the losses sustained on this occasion, I have 
the consolation to know, that the men who 1 have 
the honour to command, have done their duty.” 

The loss of the Americans in this battle, was 
17 killed, and 132 wounded. Gen. Jackson found 
that one great object of his last brilliant expedition, 
was effected—the relief of the Georgia militia. 

It w 7 as now the first of February, 1814. Gen. 
Jackson’s forces were at Fort Strother, where, al¬ 
though in n© immediate danger of famine, there 
w as by no means a supply for any length of time. 
Gen. Jackson, ever since he had commanded the 
army in the Creek country, had had his attention 
diverted from the great object of a general—the 
organization of his army—the introduction of cor¬ 
rect discipline, and preparation for active service. 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


123 


Indeed, he had to perform the duty of Commis¬ 
sary, Quarter-Master, and Commander. Wash¬ 
ington was often in his situation in the war of the 
Revolution. He could find an excuse for his coun¬ 
trymen, in the then destitute state of the country ; 
but for the contractors for the southern army in 
1814, there was no excuse. In a country abound¬ 
ing in beeves, swine and bread stuffs, an army had 
often been driven to mutiny and desertion through 
the apprehension of want. There is, probably, not 
an officer in the American service, but who will 
condemn the mode of supplying an army by con¬ 
tractors . They make the best terms they can with 
the government for themselves ; the hardest pos¬ 
sible terms for the seller of provisions, and often 
furnish the war-worn veteran with rations deficient 
in quantity, and miserable in quality. They think 
of /nothing but gaining a fortune, while the gallant 
soldiers who are suffering by their frauds, and fam¬ 
ishing by their avarice, are gaining victories for 
their country. 

Gen. Jackson, who may emphatically be called 
the Soldier’s Patron, had suffered too much, with 
his brave soldiers, for longer endurance. He sup¬ 
plied his army by his own agents, leaving the con¬ 
tractors to pay the expense. When no longer any 
cause existed for complaints in his camp, he silen¬ 
ced them. He caused a mutineer to be tried by a 
court martial ; and when condemned to die, he ap¬ 
proved of the sentence, and he suffered death. 
He ordered every officer to be arrested within his 


MEMOIRS 0F 


124 

command, who should be found exciting mutiny o i 
disobedience. He knew that a crisis had arrived 
when a great blow must be struck, or the expedi¬ 
tion abandoned. 

The Creeks had assembled in very great force 
at the bend of the Tallapoosa, at a place called by 
the savages, Tohopeka —by the Americans, The 
Horse Shoe. At this place, the most desperate re¬ 
sistance was expected ; and every measure, within 
the limited means of Gen. Jackson, was resorted 
to, to meet it. 

The 39th Regiment U. S. infantry, under the 
command of “ the intrepid and skilful Col. Williams f 
had been ordered to join the army under Gen. 
Jackson. It did not exceed 600 men. By the 
middle of March, his whole force amounted to be¬ 
tween 3 and 4000. He then commenced his march. 
Upon the 21st, he established a fort at the mouth 
of Cedar Creek, and named it Fort Williams. Leav¬ 
ing a sufficient force to protect it, he renewed his 
march upon the 24th. Upon the 27th, a day which 
will be remembered in the traditional annals of the 
brave, the infatuated, the blood-thirsty Creeks, un¬ 
til they become extinct, Gen. Jackson and his ar¬ 
my reached Tohopeka. The events of that day, are 
thus briefly detailed by the commander. 

Battle Ground, bend of Tallapoosa) 28 th March, 1814. 
Maj.Gen. Pinckney :— 

Sir—I feel particularly happy in being able to 
communicate to you, the fortunate eventuation of 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


125 


my expedition to the Tallapoosa. I reached the 
head, near the Emuckfau, called by the whites the 
Horse Shoe, about ten o’clock, on the forenoon of 
yesterday, where I found the strength of the neigh¬ 
bouring towns collected. Expecting our approach, 
they had gathered in from Oakfuskie, Oakehoga, 
New Yorcau, Hillabees, the Fish Pond, and Eufau- 
lee towns, to the number, it is said, of 1000. It is 
difficult to conceive a situation more eligible for 
defence than the one they had chosen, or one ren¬ 
dered more secure by the skill with which they 
had erected their breast work. It was from 5 to 8 
feet high, and extended across the point in such a 
direction, as that a force approaching it would be 
exposed to a double fire, while they lay in perfect 
security behind. A cannon planted at one extre¬ 
mity could have raked it to no advantage. 

Determining to exterminate them, I detached 
Gen. Coffee with the mounted men, and nearly the 
whole of the Indian force, early on the morning of 
yesterday, to cross the river about two miles below 
their encampment, and to surround the bend in such 
a manner, as that none of them should escape by 
attempting to cross the river. With the infantry, 

I proceeded slowly, and in order, along the point of 
land which led to the front of their breast work ; 
having planted my cannon, one 6 and one three poun¬ 
der, on an eminence at the distance of 150 to 200 
yards from it, I opened a very brisk fire, playing 

upon the enemy with muskets and rifles wbene- 

11 * 


126 


MEMOIRS OF 


ver they shewed themselves beyond it. This was 
kept up with short interruptions for about 2 hours, 
when a part of the Indian force, and Capt. Russell's 
and Lieut. Bean’s company of spies, who had ac~ 
companied Gen. Coffee, crossed over in canoes to 
the extremity of the bend, and set fire to a few of 
' the buildings which were there situated ; they then 
advanced with great gallantry towards the breast¬ 
work, and commenced a spirited fire upon the en¬ 
emy behind it. 

Finding that this force, notwithstanding the bra¬ 
very they displayed, was wholly insufficient to 
dislodge them, and that Gen. Coffee had entirely 
secured the opposite bank of the river, I now deter¬ 
mined to take it by storm. The men by whom this 
was to be effected, had been waiting with impatience 
to receive the order, and hailed it with acclamation. 

The spirit which animated them, was a sure 
augury of the success which was to follow. The 
history of warfare, 1 think furnishes few instances 
of a more brilliant attack. The regulars led on by 
their intrepid and skilful commander, Col. Williams, 
and by the gallant Maj. Montgomery, soon gained 
possession of the works, in the midst of a most tre¬ 
mendous fire from behind them ; and the militia 
of the venerable Gen. Doherty’s brigade, accompa¬ 
nied them in the charge with a vivacity and firm¬ 
ness which would have done honour to regulars. 
The enemy were completely routed. Five hundred 
and fifty-seven were left dead on the peninsula. 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


127 


and a great number were killed by the horsemen in 
attempting to cross the river : it is believed that 
not more than 20 have escaped. 

The fighting continued with some severity about 
5 hours, but we continued to destroy many of them 
who had concealed themselves under the banks of 
the river, until we were prevented by the night. 
This morning we killed 16 who had been concealed. 
We took about 250 prisoners, all women and chil¬ 
dren, except two or three. Our loss is 160 woun¬ 
ded, and 25 killed ; Maj. M‘Intosh, (the Cowetau,) 
who joined my army with a part of his tribe, greatly 
distinguished himself. When I get an hour’s leis¬ 
ure, I will send you a more detailed account. 

According to my original purpose, I commenced 
my return march to Fort Williams to-day, and shall, 
if I find sufficient supplies there, hasten to the Hick¬ 
ory Ground. The power of the Creeks is, 1 think, 
forever broken. 

I send you a hasty sketch, taken by the eye, of 
the situation on which the enemy were encamped, 
and of the manner in which I approached them. 

1 have the honour to be, &c. 

ANDREW JACKSON, Maj. Gen. 

Maj. Gen. Pinckney. 

The loss of the Americans, added to the whole 
ioss of the friendly Indians, was 54 killed and 156 
wounded. 

In communicating the result of this victory, with¬ 
out a parallel, to the War Department, Gen. Pinck- 


128 


MEMOIRS OF 


ney elegantly and impressively observes,—“ While 
the sigh of humanity will escape, for this profuse 
effusion of human blood, which results from the 
savage principle of our enemy, neither to give nor 
accept quarter ; and while every American will 
deeply lament the loss of our meritorious fellow 
soldiers who have fallen in this contest, we have 
ample cause of gratitude to the giver of all victory, 
for thus continuing his protection to our women, 
and children, who would otherwise be exposed to 
the indiscriminate havock of the tomahawk, and all 
the horrors of savage warfare.” 

The aged soldier who has been familiarized 
through life with civilized warfare, can form but 
an imperfect idea of war, as carried on by s ivages. 
Those who have passed their lives in the tranquil 
scenes of civil life, are still more incompetent to 
form a conception of its horrors. We can read 
its histor} r and weep ; but were we to witness its 
tragical scenes, even tears would be stopped, by 
the ghastly and appalling forms, in which death is 
presented to the view of its victims. The writer has 
seen nothing of savage warfare, and but little of 
savage life in a state of peace ; but he can yet al¬ 
most realize its horrors from impressions, never to 
be eradicated, made upon his mind in the earliest 
stages of life. His venerated grandfather, Israel 
Putnam, “ seam'd with many a scar,” by the knives 
and tomahawks of savages, as he was treading the 
last steps that carried him to his tomb, related to 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


129 


his listening grand children, the tortures he had 
borne from savages, and his “ hair breadth ’ scapes 15 
from savage death. His accomplished Aid-de- 
camp, Gen. Humphreys, has left them upon the 
page of Biography.* 

The severity of Gen. Jackson with the Creeks, 
has been a subject of severe animadversion with 
many who sympathize with savages, but who can 
readily forget the indiscriminate slaughter at Ten- 
saw. Let such remember that at Fort Mimms in 
that settlement, the unoffending citizen was con¬ 
sumed by fire—his beseeching wife and helpless 
children were, by the same tomahawk, in the same 
moment, inhumanly murdered. And to make them 
withdraw their ill-placed sympathy, let them re¬ 
member that the fate which there swallowed up the 
whole of the citizens, and the whole of their defen¬ 
ders, was declared to be the destiny of every Amer¬ 
ican, within the reach of savage vengeance. 

Whatever injustice the Aborigines of America 
may have endured from Europeans in the early set¬ 
tlements of North America, they have no cause of 
complaint against the present generation of Anglo- 
Americans, who are citizens of the United States, 
nor against the government of the American Re¬ 
public. Mildness has marked the policy of indi¬ 
viduals in their intercourse with the natives, and 
lenity and justice has characterized every measure 
of the American administrations in regard to them, 

* Vide Humphrey j’ Life of Putnam, pages 67, 68, 69, S3 


130 


MEMOIRS OF 


from the commencement of the government under 
the sainted Washington, to this period. While 
the state has protected them in the enjoyment of 
their temporal rights, the church has, with unceas¬ 
ing exertions, endeavoured to convert them to 
Christianity. 

But every measure to introduce among them the 
arts of civilized life and the benign influence of 
Christianity, “ to soothe the savage breast ,” has been 
thwarted by the poisonous influence of British and 
Spanish emissaries. Upon them, let a double por¬ 
tion of indignation be poured, as the guilty causes 
of the miseries inflicted by savages upon Ameri¬ 
cans, and of the almost total extinction of the In¬ 
dians by the arm of power. Indubitable testimony 
will support the assertion, that every Indian war 
in North America, from the Treaty of Peace in 
1783, to this period, has been occasioned by for¬ 
eign emissaries. Although the British govern¬ 
ment was compelled to acknowledge the Indepen¬ 
dence of the American Republic, it has always 
endeavoured to check its rising greatness. They 
still hope to subjugate it to their dominion, by the 
power of their navy upon the seaboard, and of 
their savage allies upon the frontiers. It would 
be a handsome accession to the power of the “ le¬ 
gitimate sovereigns” of Europe, to behold George 
III. (or IV.) wielding the sceptre of power over 
North, and Ferdinand VII. over South America 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


131 


CHAPTER X. 

Conclusion of the Creek War—Return of Gen. Jackson 
and Volunteers—their reception and separation—Gen. 
Jackson is appointed Brig. Gen. in U. S. army—also a 
Commissioner to treat with Creek Indians—concludes a 
treaty—Foreign emissaries—Indian eloquence—Speech 
of Witherford—of Big Warrior—of Tecumseh, and his 
death. v 

HAVING accomplished the object of the expe¬ 
dition to the Tallapoosa , by the victory at Toho- 
peka , Gen. Jackson returned with his army to Fort 
Williams, about the 1st of April. Incessant fa¬ 
tigue and arduous duty, had retarded the recovery 
of his health, and reduced him almost to a skele¬ 
ton ; but the animation he felt at having effected, 
in a few months, what, from every former prospect, 
would have been supposed to need the exertion of 
years, made him forget his debility ; and his mind 
arose in majesty, as his body was emaciated by toil. 
Proud of the title, “ Commander of Tennessee Vol¬ 
unteers,” he rejoiced that they had retrieved the 
reputation they had recently tarnished by mutiny 
and disaffection. 

His object now was to form a junction with the 
forces of the state of Georgia, and either complete 
the extermination of the Creeks, or compel them to 
bury the tomahawk, and sue for peace. The HU- 
labees , a clan of them, for reasons before mentioned, 
were the last to supplicate for mercy. The attack 


132 


MEMOIRS OF 


made upon them the 18th November, 1813, by 
Gen. White, when they were urgent to make peace 
with Gen. Jackson, rendered them desperate.— 
The remnants of all the tribes had assembled at 
Hothlewalee in the Hickory Ground. Gen. Jackson 
with his forces, went in pursuit of them. But 
despair had now succeeded to fury, and the savages 
dispersed. The general prosecuted his march to 
the Hickory Ground, and on or about the 15th 
April, established a fort upon the Coosa, near its 
confluence with the Tallapoosa, which was named 
Fort Jackson. This completed a line of posts 
through Tennessee, Georgia, and the Alabama 
Territory. 

The Georgia forces had formed a junction with 
the conquering general ; and upon the 20th April, 
Maj. Gen. Pinckney, commander in chief of Mili¬ 
tary Districts No. 6 and 7, arrived at Fort Jackson, 
and assumed the command of the whole forces in 
the Creek country. Gen. Pinckney invited Gen. 
Jackson to his head quarters, where a splendid en¬ 
tertainment had been prepared. This emaciated 
and war worn veteran, with some of his principal 
officers, partook ofit with the Commander in Chief. 
To reciprocate the civility, the Conqueror of the 
Creeks, invited the Commander to dine with him 
at his marquee the next day. The simple diet 
that had sustained him and his gallant associates for 
months, was the bill of fare. It called to mind gloo¬ 
my and proud recollections—the dish of rice, and 


133 


ANDREW JACKSON. 

draught of whiskey, had supported them in times of 
peril—they were now enjoyed in safety. 

Never, since the discovery of America, did an 
American officer leave the command of an army, to 
his superiour officer, under circumstances more au¬ 
spicious, than did Maj. Gen. Jackson, of Tennes¬ 
see Volunteers, to Maj. Gen. Pinckney of the U. 
S. army. He assumed the command of the troops, 
only to disband them. Their work was done, and 
well done. Gen. Jackson, for a number of weeks 
previous, had moved with his army, with the ce¬ 
lerity of lightning, and like that, had prostrated 
every thing that opposed them. He might have 
said with Caesar, 41 Veni, vidi , vici” —I came—I 
saw—I conquered ! 

The panic-struck savages, who had been led by 
the wild incantations of their prophets, and the 
more guilty encouragement of foreign emissaries, 
to spread devastation, havtfck, carnage, and death, 
among the unoffending American settlers, humbly 
prostrated themselves before their conquerors, and 
begged for that sparing mercy, wffiich it had been 
enjoined upon them never to extend. 

Fearing to raise a hand against a white man, 
these infatuated daemons of the forest preyed upon 
each other ; and seemed to delight in bearing and 
inflicting tortures. The Creeks massacred every 
one of their tribe who were known to have attacked 
Fort Mimms. 

Unon the 21st, the next day after Gen. Pinckney 

12 


134 


MEMOIRS Oh' 


assumed the command, he ordered the Tennessee 
troops to be marched home, and discharged ; retain¬ 
ing, however, sufficient to garrison the established 
posts. Gen. Jackson immediately took measures 
to comply with the order. 

The following is Gen. Jackson’s last communica¬ 
tion, as an officer in the military forces of Tennessee. 

Fort Williams , April 25th, at night. 

Sir—Gen. Pinckney joined me at Fort Jackson 
on the 20th. The enemy continuing to come in 
from every quarter, and it being now evident that 
the war was over, I received an order at 3 o’clock, 
P. M. on the 21st, to march my troops back to 
Fort Williams, and after having dispersed any bo¬ 
dies of the enemy who may have assembled on the 
Cahawba, or within striking distance, and provided 
for the maintainance of posts between Tennessee 
and Fort Jackson, to discharge the remainder. 
Within two hours after receiving this order, I was 
on the line of march ; and reached this place last 
evening, a distance of about sixty miles. 

To Brig. Gen. Doherty, I shall assign the duty 
of keeping up the posts, which form the line of 
communication between Tennessee and the conflu¬ 
ence of the Coosa and Tallapoosa, making the ne¬ 
cessary arrangements to enable him to do so. About 
400 of the E. Tennessee militia, will be left at this 
place, 250 at Fort Strother, and 75 at Fort Arm¬ 
strong and New Deposit. Old Deposit will be main-, 
lained by Capt Hammond’s company of rangers. 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


135 


* 


To-morrow I detail 500 of the militia under the 
command of Brig. Gen. Johnson, to the Cahawba, 
with instructions to unite with me at Fort Deposit, 
after having dispersed any bodies of the enemy they 
may find there assembled. 

The commissioners who have been appointed to 
make a treaty with the Creeks, need have nothing 
to do but assign them their proper limits. Those 
of the friendly party, who have associated with me, 
will be easily satisfied ; and those of the hostile 
party, they consider it a favour that their lives 
have been spared them, and will look upon any 
space that may be allowed them for their future 
settlement, as a bounteous donation. I have taken 
the liberty to point out what I think ought to be 
the future line of separation, with which I will 
hereafter make you acquainted. If they should be 
established, none of the Creeks will be left on the 
west of the Coosa. 

Accompanying this, I send you a report made by 
the Adjutant General, of the killed and wounded at 
the battle of Tohopeka, which was omitted to be 
>ent by the former express. 

I have the honour to be, &c. 

ANDREW JACKSON. 

His Excellency Gov. W. Blount. 

At the expiration of a few days he commenced a 
return march to his home, after an absence of 
eight months. If the sense of obligation 5e«is 


JUEMOIRs U1 


ton 

any proportion to the benefits received, it may weii 
be concluded that the people of Tennessee and 
Mississippi, must have been deeply impressed with 
the obligations of gratitude to Gen. Jackson and 
bis gallant Volunteers. For twenty years, the fron¬ 
tier settlers had lived in a state of insecurity ; and 
since the commencement of the second war be¬ 
tween the American Republic and the kingdom ot 
Great Britain, in the most alarming apprehensions. 

Their danger was now removed, and their safety 
was secured. The spontaneous bursts of admira¬ 
tion and applause that were every where uttered, 
was more grateful to the feelings of Gen. Jackson, 
than all the studied encomiums that could be be¬ 
stowed. 

Upon reaching Camp Blount, at Fayetteville, 
(Tenn.) the bond of union, which had been ce¬ 
mented b}^ common danger, and common toils, be 
tween the general and the volunteers, was dissolved. 
Having learned and discharged the duty of vete 
ran soldiers, they now reverted back to industrious 
citizens ; ready, at no distant period, to follow' 
their beloved chief, to conquer a civilized, as they 
already had done, a barbarous foe. While tears of 
pungent grief were shed at the recollection of their 
brave associates, who were left to moulder in the 
graves of the wilderness, those of exquisite joy 
tlowed at the safety of their fathers, and the securi- 

tv of their homes. 

* 

Gen, Jackson having very much exceeded the 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


1 

Inne for which he volunteered his sei'vicc , and. hav¬ 
ing accomplished vastly more than the most sanguine 
expectations could have anticipated, was about to 
retire to the repose of private life, which his debil¬ 
itated state of health imperiously demanded. But 
the portentous clouds of war which were constantly 
augmenting upon the southern borders of the 
Republic, rendered his services, if passible, more 
necessary than they had already been. About the 
1st June, 1814, he was appointed Brigadier Gene¬ 
ral in the army of the United States. 

Before he was called upon to* commence his mil¬ 
itary career in his new capacity, he was appointed 
a commissioner, to secure by negociation what he 
had already acquired by arms. 

To make a treaty, however, with Indians, can 
hardly be called negociation , as it is considered 
among civilized powers. The law of nations, 
w 7 hich requires “ good faith” between the contrac¬ 
ting parties, is a code not recognized by American 
savages. It is rather a contract of bargain and 
sale, with a penalty annexed for a breach of cove¬ 
nant. Col. Hawkins, who was appointed Indian 
Agent by Gen. Washington, and who has been in 
the agency ever since, was associated w'ith Gen. 
Jackson in this mission. 

By the American forces, a complete conquest 

had been made of the whole Creek country ; and 

this conquest had been occasioned by flagrant 

breaches of treaty, and outrageous violations of 

U 


MEMOIRS Of' 


i 38 

humanity by the Creeks. Had the American gov* 
ernment felt the cupidity, or exercised the power 
which the larger kingdoms of Europe manifest 
towards the smaller ones, the Creeks must either 
have fled from their country, or been reduced to 
vassalage, and their country itself would have 
been annexed to the Republic. But its existence 
commenced upon the broad principles of national 
and individual justice, and in the progress of its 
government, it has never deviated from them. 

The object of Gen. Jackson and the other com¬ 
missioners, was not so much to obtain new territo¬ 
ry, as to secure the acknowledged territory of the 
Republic, from the future depredations of Indian 
hostility. Upon the 10th August, 1814, a Treaty 
was executed, which is before the public. It cut 
off the savages from all communication with the 
perpetual disturbers of our tranquillity, and secu¬ 
red to the government such privileges in their coun¬ 
try, as will hereafter place the frontiers out of dan 
ger from the Creeks. 

It will be seen in the sequel what measures were 
adopted by the government and Gen. Jackson to 
secure our country against other powerful tribes, 
who were incited by our arch and implacable ene¬ 
mies, to raise the tomahawk against our country¬ 
men, as they had already induced the unfortunate 
Creeks to do. 

Having often been obliged, from the nature ot 
*he subject, to allude to the unjustifiable and 


139 


ANDREW JACKSON. 

reprehensible conduct of British and Spanish 
emissaries, i am confident the reader will be 
gratified, in seeing- the evidence furnished by the 
savages themselves. In presenting this evidence, 
I furnish at the same time specimens of Indian 
Eloquence, which have never been equalled, unless 
by the speech of Logan , as found in Jefferson’s 
Notes on Virginia. The first I offer is the speech 
of the ferocious Withcrford , previously mentioned. 
His surrender to Gen. Jackson, reminds the histo* 
rian of Coriolanus and Aujidius —of Themistocles 
and a Persian king. Magnanimity in each over¬ 
came vengeance. 

WITHERFORD’S SPEECH TO GENERAL JACKSON. 

I am in your power—do with me as you please. 
I am a soldier. I have done the white people all 
the harm I could ; I have fought them, and fought 
them bravely : If I had an army, I would yet fight, 
and contend to the last ; but I have none ; my peo¬ 
ple are all gone. I carunow do no more than weep 
over the misfortunes of my nation. Once I could 
animate my warriors to battle ; but I cannot ani¬ 
mate the dead. My warriors can no longer hear 
my voice : their bones are at Talladega, Tallup- 
hatches, Emuckfau , and Tohopeka. I have not sur¬ 
rendered myself thoughtlessly. Whilst there were 
chances of success, I never left my post, nor sup- 

0 

plicated peace. But my people are gone, and I 
now ask it for my nation and for myself. On the 


140 


MEMOIRS OF 


miseries and misfortunes brought upon my country, 
I look back with deepest sorrow, and wish to avert 
still greater calamities. If I had been left to con¬ 
tend with the Georgia army, I would have raised 
my corn on one bank of the river, and fought them 
on the other ; but your people have destroyed my 
nation. You are a brave man—I rely upon your 
generosity. You w ill exact no terms of a conquer¬ 
ed people, but such as they should accede to : 
whatever they may be, it would now be madness 
and folly to oppose. If they are opposed, you 
shall find me amongst the sternest enforcers of 
obedience. Those who would still hold out, can 
be influenced only b}' a mean spirit of revenge ; 
and to this they must not, and shall not sacrifice 
the last remnant of their country. You have told 
us where we might go, and be safe. This is a good 
talk, and my nation ought to listen to it. They 
shall listen to it.” 

The second evidence, is the speech of “ The Big 
Warrior ,” before Gen. Jaqjison, Col. Hawkins, &c. 
It is with all the pleasure of delight, that I incor¬ 
porate this eloquent appeal to the magnanimity of 
our government, into this work. While it eulogi¬ 
zes the memory of our immortal political saviour 
George Washington, it also places Mr. Madison, 
in the most exalted station—the protector of the 
weak. It also repels the many insinuations which 
have been made against the long tried and faithful 
Indian agent, Col. Hawkins. It is but an ill requit- 


ANDREW JACKSON* 


141 


al for the long seclusion in which the Agent has 
lived ; and the pacific and salutary policy which he 
has pursued in the Creek agency, to have it hinted, 
“ that his agency had lasted too long to hope that he 
would steadily pursue that course which the safety 
and interest of the country required.' 1 ' But such 
is the fate of public functionaries in our Republic. 
James Monroe, and Andrew Jackson, than whom, 
more devoted patriots were never enrolled upon 
the records of worth, have shared in public oblo¬ 
quy, as well as in public applause. Even this is 
not without its benefits. Jealous}'' is the shield of 
freedom, and results from the solicitude Americans 
feel for their sacred rights and liberties. These 
censures serve the same purpose in our Republic, 
as the dust that was, by order, cast by lictors upon 
the heads of the returning conquerors of the Ro¬ 
man Republic, when they were passing under tri¬ 
umphal arches. 

BIG WARRIOR’S SPEECH 

TO THE AMERICAN COMMISSIONERS. 

“ THE President, our father, advises us to hon¬ 
esty and fairness, and promises that justice shall be 
done ; I hope and trust it will be ! I made this 
war, which has proved so fatal to mv country, that 
the treaty entered into a long time ago, with father 
Washington, might not be broken. To his friend¬ 
ly arm I hold fast. I will never break that chain 
of friendship we made together, and which bound 
us to stand to the United States. He was a father 


142 


MEMOIRS OF 


to the Muscoga people ; and not only to them, but 
to all the people beneath the sun. His talk I now 
hold in my hand. There sits the agent* he sent 
among us. Never has he broken the treaty. He 
has lived with us a long time. He has seen our 
children born, who now have children. By his 
direction, cloth was wove, and clothes were made, 
and spread through our country ; but the Red 
Sticks came and destroyed all—we have none now. 
Hard is our situation, and you ought to consider it. 
I state what all the nation knows ; nothing will 1 
keep secret. 

There is the Little Warrior, whom Col. Haw¬ 
kins knows. While we were giving satisfaction for the 
murders that had been committed, he proved a mis¬ 
chief-maker : he went to the British on the lakes ; 
he came back, and brought a package to the fron¬ 
tiers, which increased the murders here. This 
conduct has already made the war party to suiter 
greatly : but, although almost destroyed, they will 
not yet open their eyes, but are still led away by 
the British at Pensacola. Not so with us ; we 
were rational, and had our senses—we yet are so. 
In the war of the revolution, our father beyond the 
waters, encouraged us to join him, and we did so. 
We had.no sense then. The promises he made 
were never kept. We were young and foolish, and 
fought with him. The British can no more per¬ 
suade us to do wrong : they have deceived us once, 
and can deceive us no more. You are two great 

* Col. Hawkins, 


ANDREW JACKSON, 


143 


people. If you go to war, we will have no concern 
in it ; for we are not able to fight. We wish to 
be at peace with every nation. If they offer me 
arms, I will say to them, You put me in danger, to 
war against a people born in our own land. They 
shall never force us into danger. You shall never 
see that our chiefs are boys in council, who will be 
forced to do any thing. I talk thus, knowing that 
father Washington advised us never to interfere in 
wars. He told us that those in peace were the 
happiest people. He told us that if the enemy at¬ 
tacked him, he had warriors enough, and did not 
wish his red children to help him. If the British 
advise us to any thing, I will tell you—not hide 
it from you—If they say we must fight, I will tell 
them, No !” 

I now present the reader with a speech of one 
of the greatest warriors of any age, of any nation, 
or of any colour— Tecumseh. It was this Sachem 
and Prophet, who had been educated at an English 
seminary in Canada , who first infused into the 
Creeks the murderous principles he had learned 
from English Christians. He returned to his own 
4ribe, and prepared them for the crusade they were 
to make with their English ‘ fathers’ against Ameri¬ 
cans. Infatuated chief! ! thy blood calls aloud from 
the ground for revenge against thy perfidious mis- 
leaders. The cowardice of Proctor was as base as 
his perfidy. The simple eloquence of this child of 


MEMOIRS i)i' 


H4 

the forest, is the bitterest satire, and the most via 
dictive judgment against the British nation. The 
Indians of the East, as well as of the West, form a 
“ paramount inquest,” whose sentence will reverse 
the judgment of the House of Lords in favour of 
Lord Hastings , and raise indignation at the eulo¬ 
gies bestowed upon Sir George Prevost. 

SPEECH OF TECUMSEH, 

hi the name of the Indian Chiefs and Warriors , to 
Maj. Gen. Proctor , as the representative of their 
Great Father , the King. 

Father—listen to your children ! You have 
them now all before you. The war before* this, 
our British father gave the hatchet to his red chil¬ 
dren, when our old chiefs were alive. They are 
now dead. In that war our father was thrown on 
his back by the Americans, and our father took 
them by the hand without our knowledge and we 
are afraid that our father will do so again at this 
time. Summer before last, when I came forward 
with my red brethren, and was ready to take up 
the hatchet in favour of our British father, we were 
toid not to be in a hurry—that he had not yet de¬ 
termined to fight the Americans. • 

Listen ! —When war was declared, our father 
stood up and gave us the tomahawk, and told us 
that he was now ready to strike the Americans ; 

* The revolutionary war. 

fThe British made peace without any stipulation for their Indian 

allies. 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


145 


that he wanted our assistance ; and that he certain- 
ly would get us our lands hack, which the Ameri¬ 
cans had taken from us. 

Listen !—You told us at that time, to bring for¬ 
ward our families to this place, and we did so ; 
and you promised to take care of them, and that 
they should want for nothing, while the men would 
go and tight the enemy ; that we need not trouble 
ourselves about the enemy’s garrisons ; that we 
knew nothing about them ; and that our father 
would attend to that part of the business. You 
also told your red children, that you would take 
good care of your garrison here, which made our 
hearts glad. 

Listen ! —When we were last at the rapids, it is 
true we gave you little assistance. It is hard to 
tight people who live like ground hogs.* 

Listen Father !—Our fleet has gone out—we 
know they have fought—we have heard the great 
guns, but know nothing of what has happened to 
our father with one arm.| Our ships have gone 
one way, and we are very much astonished, to see 
our father tying up every thing and preparing to 
run away the other, without letting his red chil 
dren know what his intentions are. You always told 
us to remain here and to take care of our lands—it 
made our hearts glad to hear that was your wish. 

* During the siege of Fort Meigs, the troops covered themseltfea from 
the enemy’s tire, by throwing up traverses and ditches cf earth. 

t Commodore Barclay. 


13 


146 


MEMOIRS OF 


Our great father, the King, is the head, and you re 
present him. You always told us, you would never 
draw your foot off British ground ; but now, father, 
we see you are drawing back, and we are sorry to 
see our father doing so, without seeing the enemy. 
We must compare our father’s conduct to a fat ani¬ 
mal that carries its tail upon its back, but when 
affrighted it drops it between its legs, and runs off. 

Listen Father !—The Americans have not yet 
defeated us by land ; neither are we sure that they 
have done so by Water : we therefore wish to remain 
here and fight our enemy , should they make their 
appearance. If they defeat us, we will then retreat 
with our father. 

At the battle of the Rapids, last war, the Ameri¬ 
cans certainly defeated us ; and when we retreated 
to our father’s* fort at that place, the gates were 
shut against us. We w’ere afraid that it would now 
be the case, but instead of that, we see our British 
father preparing to march out of his garrison. 

Father !—You have got the arms and ammuni¬ 
tion which the great father sent for his red children. 
If you have any idea of going away, give them to 
us, and you may go, and welcome, for usv Our 
lives are in the hands of the Great Spirit—we are 
determined to defend our lands, and if it is his will, 
we wish to leave our bones upon them. 

Aniherstburgli , 18th Sept. 1813. 

* Fort Miami, near Wayne’s battle ground. 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


147 


1 present the reader with Maj. Thomas Rowland’s 

* 

(of the 27th U. S. infantry,) account of the death 
of this great chief— “ Tecumseh is certainly kil¬ 
led—I saw him with my own eyes—it was the first 
time I had seen this celebrated chief. There was 
something so majestic, so dignified, and yet so mild 
in his countenance, as he lay stretched on his back, 
on the ground where a few minutes before he had 
rallied his men to the fight, that while gazing on 
him with admiration and pity, 1 forgot he was a 
savage. He had received a wound in the arm, and 
had it bound up before he received the mortal 
wound. He had such a countenance as I shall 
never forget,” 

Maior Rowland might have exclaimed, over the 
corpse of Tecumseh, as Henry V. did over that of 
Percy — 

Lie there great heart—the earth that bears thee dead. 

Beau not alive so stout. * * * * * *’’ 


148 


MEMOIRS OT 


CHAPTER XL 

Spanish aggressions and perfidy-Gen. Jack&on’s measures 
to detect Manrequez, the Governour of Florida—his 
letter to him—Danger of the 7th Military district— 
Gen. Jackson’s appeal to the government—Mr. Mon¬ 
roe’s measures of defence 1 —Attack upon Fort Bowyer— 
gallant defence of Major Lawrence—li s official report 
of it. 


THE writer has attempted to shew the reader, 
the prominent features of Gen. Jackson’s life, from 
his birth to the conclusion of the Creek war. It is 
but a miniature, and if the figure is not finely touch¬ 
ed, the delineations are confidently pronounced, 
correct. To crowd a biographical sketch with mi¬ 
nute details of events, in which the subject of it 
has acted a conspicuous part, may sw r ell a volume 
with a wilderness of “ words , words , words ” and 
hide the hero of it, in the rubbish that entangles 
him. I certainly have a wish, (it may be an una¬ 
vailing one,) to keep Andrew Jackson in sights 
through this little volume ; and although the deep¬ 
ly interesting scenes, in which he was the principal 
actor, must necessarily be adverted to, it is hoped 
the attention of the reader will not be diverted 
from the subject of these memoirs, by blending 
with his life, those descriptions which more proper¬ 
ly belong to the voluminous historian, than to the 
brief biographer. 

Gen. Jackson, having conquered the most war¬ 
like tribe of savages within, and perhaps without 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


149 


the Republic, by the sword, and having secured to 
bis government the benefit of the conquest by trea¬ 
ty, he was led, not into regular negociation, but 
into singular intercourse with a power that calls it¬ 
self civilized ! 

It is painful to see a nation, which once held an 
elevated rank among European powers, sunk to 
the lowest state of degradation. Spain, in the 
reign of Philip, menaced by its armada , the same 
British power, which has recently dragged its im¬ 
becile, but tyrannical monarch from the humblest 
exile, and placed him upon the Spanish throne. 
Struggling to regain the power of his predecessors, 
and trembling under the rod of his imperious mis¬ 
tress, he lends all his little aid in Europe and 
America, to subserve the interest of the British 
government. Knowing that the “ holy alliance” 
entered into in 1814, by the “ Allied Sovereigns,” 
guarantees to each other their ancient colonies, 
Ferdinard Vil. covertly gave every aid and facili¬ 
ty to the British forces, in their last war against the 
American Republic, once British colonies. This, 
Gen. Jack'son full well knew during the prosecu¬ 
tion, and at the close of the Creek war. He knew 
that the governour of the Spanish province of Flo¬ 
rida, although Spain was in a state of professed 
neutrality, either through fear of Britain, or hatred 
to America, had given every assistance to the In¬ 
dians in their sanguinary war against our frontiers 

13 * 


150 


MEMOIRS OF 


The peace he had conquered from the Creeks, 
he was aware would not be a permanent one, nor 
the treaty he had made regarded, so long as their 
hostile chiefs and warriors, were fostered, protected, 
and encouraged to further hostilities, fey the gover- 
nour of Florida, acting under his “ adored master,'' 
Ferdinand VII. He was determined, if possible, 
to secure to his country the benefit of the victories 
which he had acquired, by the loss of some of his 
valiant countrymen, and by the death of hundreds 
of Creeks, who fell victims to religious fanaticism, 
and British and Spanish machinations. 

Gen. Jackson, is too cautious as a statesman, and 
too generous as a soldier, to trust to vague reports, 
and unsupported assertions, as grounds of impor¬ 
tant measures. While making a treaty with the 
Creeks, he dispatched some of his confidential offi¬ 
cers to Pensacola , to observe the course pursued 
by Gonzalez Manrequcz , the Spanish governour. 
From the Creeks also, he was receiving almost 
daily information of the perfidious conduct of this 
obsequious minister of the faithless Ferdinand. 

Upon the return of his officers, that which was 
before believed upon the strongest presumptive 
evidence, was now reduced to absolute certainty. 

Gen. Jackson, at this time, (Sept. 1814,) had 
received no instructions from the War Department, 
relative to the course to be pursued with the Span¬ 
ish authorities in Florida. He sent a direct mes¬ 
sage to Gov. Manrequez, requesting him to point 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


151 


out the course he was about to pursue. The cor¬ 
respondence that followed between him and Gen. 
Jackson, has long been before the public, and is 
too lengthy to be here inserted. The governour 
was less equivocal, and more explicit than he had 
previously been. He began to feel a strong assu¬ 
rance that the British government, which had res¬ 
tored his master to the throne, would support him 
in all his measures against the Republic. He knew 
that the legitimate sovereigns of Europe were safe¬ 
ly enthroned, and that pride as well as interest, 
would induce them to secure to Ferdinand VII. 
his South American colonies, and to endeavour to 
regain for George III. the colonies he had lost in 
North. His language was confident, not to say 
imperious. He repelled the charges against him , 
by criminating the American government. The 
correspondence was closed by the following letter 
to him, from Gen. Jackson. 

“ Were I clothed, says the general, with diplo¬ 
matic powers, for the purpose of discussing the to¬ 
pics embraced in the wide range of injuries of which 
you complain, and which have long since been ad¬ 
justed, I could easily demonstrate that the United 
States have been always faithful to their treaties ; 
steadfast in their friendships ; nor have ever claim¬ 
ed any thing that was not warranted by justice. 
They have endured many insults from the govern- 
ours and other officers of Spain, which if sanction 
ed by their sovereign, amounted to acts of war, 


152 


MEMOIRS OF 


without any previous declaration on the subject. 
They have excited the savages to war, and afforded 
them the means of waging it. The property of our 
citizens has been captured at sea, and if compensa¬ 
tion has not been refused, it has at least been 
withheld. But as no such powers have been dele¬ 
gated to me, I shall not assume them, but leave 
them to the representatives of our respective gov 
ernments. 

1 have the honour of being entrusted with the 
command of this district. Charged w T ith its pro¬ 
tection, and the safety of its citizens, I feel my 
ability to discharge the task, and trust your excel¬ 
lency will always find me ready and walling to go 
forward in the performance of that duty, whenever 
circumstances shall render it necessary. I agree 
with you, perfectly, that candour and polite lan¬ 
guage should, at all times, characterize the com¬ 
munications between the officers of friendly sove¬ 
reignties ; and I assert, without the fear bf'con¬ 
tradiction, that my former letters were couchad in 
terms the most respectful and unexceptionable. 3 
only requested , and did not demand , as you asser¬ 
ted, the ringleaders of the Creek confederacy, who 
had taken refuge in your town, and who had viola¬ 
ted all laws, moral, civil, and divine. This I had a 
right to do, from the treaty which I sent you, and 
which I now again enclose, with a request that you 
wall change your translation ; believing, as I do, 
that your former one was w T rong, and has deceiv¬ 
ed you. 


ANDREW JACKSON, 


153 


What kind of an answer you returned, a reference 
to your letter will explain. The whole of it breath¬ 
ed nothing but hostility, grounded upon assumed 
facts, and false charges, and entirely evading the 
inquiries that had been made. 

I can but express my astonishment at your pro¬ 
test against the cession on the Alabama, lying 
within the acknowledged jurisdiction of the United 
States, and which has been ratified, in due form, 
by the principal chiefs and warriors of the nation. 
But my astonishment subsides, when, on comparing 
it, I find it upon a par with the rest of your letter 
and conduct ; taken together, they afford a suffi¬ 
cient justification for any consequences that may 
ensue. My government will protect everj r inch of 
her territory, her citizens, and her property, from 
insult and depredation, regardless of the political 
revolutions of Europe : and although she has been 
at all times sedulous to preserve a good understand¬ 
ing with all the world, yet she has sacred rights, 
that cannot be trampled upon with impunity. 
Spain had better look to her own intestine commo¬ 
tions, before she walks forth in that majesty of 
strength and power, which you threaten to draw 
down upon the United States. Your excellency 
has been candid enough to admit your having sup¬ 
plied the Indians with arms. In addition to this, 
I have learned that a British flag has been seen 
flying on one of your forts. All this is done whilst 
you are pretending to be neutral. 


154 


MEMOIRS OS' 


You cannot be surprised, then, but on the con 
trary will provide a fort in your town, for my sol¬ 
diers and Indians, should I take it in my head to 
pay you a visit. 

In future, I beg you to withhold your insulting 
charges against my government, for one more in¬ 
clined to listen to slander than I am ; nor consider 
me any more as a diplomatic character, unless so 
proclaimed to you from the mouths of my cannon.” 

It is with the highest pleasure I incorporate the 
foregoing letter into these memoirs ; and the reader 
will feel an exultation at knowing, that we have 
not only one, but many generals in the army of 
the Republic, w r ho unite the Statesman and the 
Soldier. Although Gen. Jackson, at the time he 
wrote it, was not clothed with diplomatic powers, 
he shews, in a few paragraphs, that he perfectly 
understands the points in controversy between the 
imbecile, yet haughty government of Spain, and 
the American Republic. Had he been a negocia- 
tor ten years ago , it would probably not now be 
3aid that America has been thirteen years in trying 
to settle our differences with Spain, and that she 

may from thence infer that we shall continue to be 

* 

very moderate, in bringing the controversy to an 
amicable adjustment. The divine dictate that re¬ 
quires men to “ render good for evil,” has not yet 
been added to the code of the Law of Nations ; and 
if our Republic is disposed to act upon that princi¬ 
ple with the allied sovereigns of Europe, every one 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


156 


of whom are anxious to destroy it, we may as well 
surrender our independence at once, and revert 
back to a tame, and submissive colonial state. 

Gen. Jackson was now commander in chief of 
the 7th military district, including the most impor¬ 
tant part of the southern section of the union. It 
was now altogether the most endangered part of it. 
The splendid victories at Chippewa , Bridgewater, 
Fort Erie , and Plattsburgh , had allayed all appre¬ 
hension from British armies in the north. The de¬ 
fence of New London and Stonington , New York 
and Baltimore , had robbed British “ naval demon¬ 
strations” of their terrors, upon the eastern sea¬ 
board. The British admirals and British generals, 
were concentrating their forces, with a determina¬ 
tion to wipe off the disgrace, which had with jus- 

4 

tice been attached to them—not so much from the 
defeats they had suffered, as from the Vandalism 
they had displayed in the Chesapeake Bay, upon 
the Niagara frontier, and at the city of Washing¬ 
ton. The utmost confidence was expressed by the 
British in America, of the success of this great and 
united effort of the armies and navies of Britain ; 
and a British commissioner at Ghent, who at this 
time was negociating a peace with American com¬ 
missioners, tauntingly remarked, that before they 
had time to conclude a peace, New Orleans and the 
states upon the Mississippi, would be in posses* 
sion of Sir Edward Packenham! 


156 


MEMOIRS OF 


It is no more than candid to admit, that very se¬ 
rious apprehensions were entertained by Americans 
themselves, in regard to the safety of the south¬ 
ern section of the union, or that part of it situated 
upon the Gulf of Mexico, and near the mouth of 
the Mississippi. A very great proportion of the 
troops of the Republic and of the munitions of war, 
were in the northern, eastern, and middle states,-at 
an immense distance from New Orleans. The 
whole sea-board, from Castine to that place, was 
commanded by a superiour naval force of the ene¬ 
my, who could by that command, in a very short 
time approach any “ assailable point” upon the 
ocean. Sir George Prevost’s army of 14,000, were, 
in Lower Canada, burning to revenge the defeat 
they met with at Plattsburgh. Large reinforcements 
were known to have arrived from England in the 
West Indies, under the command of some of the most 
renowned generals in Wellington’s army, and every 
indication evinced the determination of the whole 
land and naval forces of the enemy, upon the 
American station, to make a descent near the 
mouth of the Mississippi. 

Many British officers had already arrived at 
Pensacola, about 70 miles east of Mobile bay, on 
which Fort Bowyer is situated. Here they were 
received with great cordiality by the governour, and 
suffered to embody and train savages. Gen. Jack- 
son about the first of September, addressed the 
War Department in the most pressing terms. In 


ANDREW JAL'KSON. 


Id? 

one of his letters, he says—“ How long will the 
United States pocket the reproach and open in¬ 
sults of Spain ? it is alone by a manly and dignifi¬ 
ed course, that we can secure respect from other 
nations, and peace to our own. Temporizing pol¬ 
icy is not only a disgrace but a curse to any na¬ 
tion. It is a fact, that a British captain of marines 
is, and has been, for some time, engaged in drilling 
and organizing the fugitive Creeks, under the eye 
of the governour ; endeavouring, by his influence 
and presents, to draw to his standard, as well the 
peaceable as the hostile Indians. If permission 
had been given to me to march against this place, 
(Pensacola,) twenty days ago, I would ere this, 
have planted there the American Eagle ; now 
we must trust alone to our valour, and the justice 
of our cause. But my present resources are so lim¬ 
ited—a sickly climate, as well as an enemy to con¬ 
tend with, and without the means of transporta¬ 
tion, to change the position of my army, that, 
resting on the bravery of my little phalanx, I can 
only hope for success.” 

The Secretary at War, Mr. Monroe, incessantly 
exerted himself to second the measures of Gen. 
Jackson. Having acquired Louisiana and the ex¬ 
clusive command of tne Mississippi by negociation, 
he was now called upon to defend it as the head of 
the War Department. As there was, within the 
7th military district, but a very small amount of 

regular troops, the Secretary made a requisition 

14 


158 


MEMOIRS OF 


upon the executives of the states of Louisiana, Mis¬ 
sissippi, aud Tennessee, to have their full quota of 
militia in readiness for immediate service, at. the 
command of Gen. Jackson. Volunteers were again 
invited by Gen. Jackson to resort to his standard, 
under Avhich they had always conquered. The 
whole civilized region of the Mississippi, was “ wide 
awake.” The unbounded popularity of Gen. Jack- 
son induced the militia not only with promptness, 
but with animation, to repair to the rendezvous ; 
and the “ Tennessee Volunteers” under their 
gallant, accomplished, and beloved leader, Gen. 
Coffee were again in motion. They had almost in¬ 
variably formed the van of Gen. Jackson’s army ; 
and of their immediate comiqander, it may be said, 
“ he dared to lead where any dared to follow.” 

Gen. Jackson, before the middle of September, 
had established his head quarters at Mobile, wait¬ 
ing the arrival of the militia and volunteers, some 
of whom had to travel more than 450 miles. Upon 
the 14th he received a message from Maj. Wil¬ 
liam Lawrence, commander of Fort Bowyer at the 
mouth of Mobile bay, requesting immediate assis¬ 
tance in the defence of that important post, as the 
enemy had landed in the vicinity of that place, 
with a force probably ten times the amount of his 
own. Maj. Lawrence had but 158 men fitfor duty. 
He took immediate measures to succour this ex¬ 
posed garrison ; but before reinforcements could 
reach that place, it was simultaneously attacked 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


159 


upon the 15th, by the British and Indian forces, 
by land, and by a large naval force in the bay. 
The defence of this place is described in the finish¬ 
ed style of Gen. Jackson, and Maj. Lawrence. 

GEN. JACKSON, TO HON. JAMES MONROE. 

H. Q,. 7th Military District, Mobile , Sept. 17th, 1314. 

Sir—With lively emotions of satisfaction, I 
communicate that success has crowned the gallant 
efforts of our brave soldiers, in resisting and repul¬ 
sing a combined British naval and land force; which 
on the 15th instant, attacked Fort Bowyer, on the 
Point of Mobile. 

I enclose a copy of the official report of Maj. 
William Lawrence of the 2d infantry, who comman¬ 
ded. In addition to the particulars communicated 
in his letter, I have learned that the ship which was 
destroyed, was the Hermes, of from 24 to 28 guns, 
captain, the Hon. Wm. H. Percy, senior officer 
in the Gulf of Mexico ; and the brig so consider¬ 
ably damaged, is the Sophie, 18 guns, Capt. Wm, 
Lockyer, the other ship was the Carron, of from 
24 to 28 guns, Capt. Spencer, son of Earl Spen¬ 
cer, the other brig’s name unknown. On board 
of the Carron, 85 men were killed and wounded ; 
among whom was Col. Nicholl, of the Royal Ma¬ 
rines, who lost an eye by a splinter. The land 
force consisted of 110 marines, and 200 Creek 
Indians, under the command of Capt. Woodbine, 


360 


MEMOIRS OF 


of marines, and about 20 artillerists, with one four 
and an half inch howitzer, from which they dis^ 
charged shells and nine pound shot. They re-em¬ 
barked the piece, and retreated by land towards 
Pensacola, whence they came. 

By the morning report of the 16th, there were 
present in the fort, fit for duty, officers and men, 
158. The result of this engagement has stamped a 
character on the war in this quarter, highly favour¬ 
able to the American arms ; it is an event from 
which may be drawn the most favourable augury. 

An achievement so glorious in itself, and so im¬ 
portant in its consequences, should be appreciated 
by the government; and those concerned are en¬ 
titled to, and will, doubtless, receive the most grat¬ 
ifying evidence of the approbation of their coun¬ 
trymen. 

In the words of Maj. Lawrence, “ where all be¬ 
haved well, it is unnecessary to discriminate.” But 
dll being meritorious, I beg leave to annex the 
names of the officers, who were engaged and pre¬ 
sent ; and hope they will, individually, be deem¬ 
ed worthy of distinction. 

Maj. Wm. Lawrence, 2d infantry, commanding ; 
Capt. Walsh of the artillery ; Capts. Chamberlain, 
Brownlow, and Bradley of the 2d infantry ; Capt. 
Sands, deputy-commissary of Ordnance ; Lieuts. 
Villard, Sturges, Conway, H. Sanders, T. R. San¬ 
ders, Brooks, Davis, and C. Sanders, all of the 2d 
infantry. 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


161 


i am contident that your own feelings will lead 
you to participate in my wishes on this subject. 
Permit me to suggest the propriety and justice of 
allowing to this gallant band, the value of the 
vessel destroyed by them. I remain, &c. 

ANDREW JACKSON, Gen, Com, 
The Hon. Secretary of War. 


The following is “ the official report of Maj. Wil~ 
ham Lawrence,” alluded to by Gen. Jackson, in 
bis letter to the Secretary of War. 

MAJ. LAWRENCE TO GEN. JACKSON. 

Foi t Boviyer, Sept. 15th, 1314, 12 o’clock at ni^ht. 

Sir—After writing the enclosed, I w r as prevented 
by the approach of the enemy, from sending it by 
an express. At meridian they were under full sail, 
with an easy and favourable breeze, standing di¬ 
rectly for the fort, and at 4 P. M. we opened our 
battery, which was returned from two ships, and 
two brigs, as they approached. The action be¬ 
came general at about 20 minutes past 4, and was 
continued without intermission on either side un¬ 
til 7, when one ship and two brigs were compelled 
to retire. The leading ship, supposed to be the 
Commodore, mounting twenty-two 32 pound car- 
ronades, having anchored nearest our battery, was 
so much disabled, her cable being cut by our shot, 
that she drifted on shore, within 600 yards of the 

14 * 


i 62 


MEMOIRS OF 


battery, and the other vessels having got out of oui 
reach, we kept such a tremendous fire upon her, 
that she was set on fire, and abandoned by the few 
of the crew who survived. At 10 P. M. we had 
the pleasure of witnessing the explosion of her mag¬ 
azine. The loss of lives on board must have been 
immense, as we are certain no boats left her ex 
cept three, which had previously gone to her as¬ 
sistance, and one of these I believe was sunk ; in 
fact one of her boats was burnt along side of her. 

The brig that followed her, I am certain was 
mnch damaged both in hull and rigging. The oth¬ 
er two did not approach near enough to be much 
injured, but I am confident they did not escape, as 
a well directed fire was kept on them during the 
whole time. 

During the action, a battery of a 12 pounder ^pd 
a howitzer, was opened on our rear, but without 
doing any execution, and was silenced by a few 
shot. Our loss is four privates killed, and five 
privates wounded. 

Towards the close of the action the flag-staff 
was shot away ; but the flag was immediately 
hoisted on a sponge staff over the parapet. While 
the flag was down, the enemy kept up their most 
incessant and tremendous fire ; the men were with¬ 
drawn from the curtains and north-east bastion, as 
the enemy’s own shot completely protected our 
rear, except the position they had chosen fop their 
battery. 


ANDREW JACKSON, 


163 


Where all behaved well, it is unnecessary to dis¬ 
criminate. Suffice it to say, every officer and man 
did his duty ; the whole behaved with that cool 
ness and intrepidity which is characteristic of the 
true American, and which could scarcely have been 
expected from men, most of whom had never seen 
an enemy, and were now for the first time, expo¬ 
sed for nearly three hours, to a force of nearly or 
quite, four guns to one. 

We fired during the action between 4 and 500 
guns, most of them double shotted, and after the 
first half hour but few missed effect. 

September 16th, 11 o’clock A. M. 

Upon an examination of our battery this mor¬ 
ning, we find upwards of 300 shot and shot holes, 
in the inside of the north and east curtains, and 
north-east bastions, of all calibres, from musket ball 

v 

to 32 pound shot. In the north-east bastion there 
were three guns dismounted ; one of which a four 
pounder, was broken off near the trunnions by a 
32 pound shot, and another much battered. I re¬ 
gret to say that both the 24 pounders are cracked in 
such a manner as to render them unfit for service. 

I am informed by two deserters from the land 
force, who have just arrived here, and whom I send 
for your disposal, that a reinforcement is expected, 
when they will doubtless endeavour to wipe off the 
stain of yesterday. ^ 

If you will send the Amelia down, we may pro¬ 
bably save most or all of the ship’s guns, as her 
wreck is lying in six or seven feet water, and some 


164 


MEMOIRS OF 


of them are just covered. They will not, however, 
answer for the fort, as they are too short. 

By the deserters, we learn that the ship we have 
destroyed, was the Hermes, but her commander’s 
name they did not recollect. It was the Commo¬ 
dore, and he doubtless fell on his quarter deck, as 
we had a raking fire upon it, at about two hundred 
yards distance, for some time. 

To Capt. Sands, who will have the honour of 
handing you this dispatch, I refer you for a more 
particular account of the movements of the enemy 
than may be contained in my letters ; his services 
both before and during the action, were of great 
importance, and I consider fully justify me in hav¬ 
ing detained him. Capt. Walsh and several men 
were much burned in the accidental explosion of 
two or three cartridges. They are not included in 
the list of the wounded heretofore given. 

The enemy’s fleet this morning at day break, 
were at anchor in the channel, about 4 miles from 
the fort ; shortly after, it got under weigh and stood 
to sea ; alter passing the bar, they hove too, and 
boats have been constantly passing between the 
disabled brig and the others. I presume the for¬ 
mer is so much injured as to render if necessary to 
lighten her. 

Fifteen minutes after 1, P. M. 

The whole fleet have this moment made sail, and 
are standing to sea. I have the honour to be, &c. 

WILLIAM LAWRENCE 
Maj. Gen. Andrew Jackson, &c. 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


165 


When it is considered that this fort was in a very 
incomplete state, having been almost totally aban¬ 
doned, until Gen. Jackson had recently discovered 
its importance to the surrounding country in time 
of war—that it was only in a progressive state of 
improvement—that it was garrisoned by only an 
hundred and fifty new recruits, who had never 
before faced a veteran enemy—and that it was as¬ 
sailed on every side by land and naval forces, pro¬ 
bably amounting to 1500 men, and an hundred 
pieces of cannon, its defence may be ranked among 
the most gallant achievements in the last, or any 
previous war in America. When the defences 
of Stonington , Fort McHenry, Fort Borvyer, and w 
Fort St. Phillips are remembered, the “ naval de¬ 
monstrations” of the haughty mistress of the ocean, 
lose the terrour which our countrymen formerly at¬ 
tached to them ; and shews that independent and 
valiant freemen, defending their homes against 
modern hired Vandals, sent to destroy them, mil 
he victorious. 


166 


MEMOIRS OF 


CHAPTER XII. 


Gen. Jackson is appointed Maj. Gen. in U. S. army—Fort 
Bo wye l*—its importance, and its danger—Gen. Jackson 
determines to reduce Pensacola—Arrival of Gen. Cof¬ 
fee with Tennessee Volunteers and Mississippi Dra¬ 
goons—Capture of Pensacola—Gen. Jackson’s account 
of it—Destruction of the Barancas—He returns to Mo¬ 
bile—Col. Nicoll’s proclamation—Remark. 

PREVIOUS to this period, (Oct. 1814,) Gen. 
Jackson had been appointed a Major General in the 
army of the United States, and commander of the 
7th military district. He had been Major-general, 
by brevet, some time antecedent to this appoint¬ 
ment, and commander of the same district. 

The importance of Fort Bowyer as a military 
post, became more and more apparent to him, as 
he discovered the immense preparation of the ene¬ 
my, to assail the whole American sea board, from 
Pensacola to New Orleans. This fort was but three 
days’ march for land forces from Pensacola, where 
the British had already hoisted their flag ; and from 
thence to New Orleans, but ten days’ march. By 
the possession of this fort at the mouth of the ca¬ 
pacious bay of Mobile—the bay itself, and the ad¬ 
joining country, the British land and naval forces 
would derive incalculable advantages. To secure 
it, therefore, was, in the view' of the commanding 
general, of the utmost importance. But however 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


16? 


important the measure, the means to accomplish it 
were altogether beyond his reach. Without a na¬ 
val force to cover the fort, or to assist in its defence, 
with but a small regular force under his command 
at Mobile, and wholly uncertain when the forces 
from the distant state of Tennessee, and other pla¬ 
ces, would arrive, it would seem to have been the 
dictate, not only of the cardinal virtue of prudence , 
but of fortitude itself, to have evacuated the fort 
and the country at once. The gallant defence of 
this place, upon the 15th Sept, although a severe 
mortification to the enemy, would induce them to 
send a force against it, absolutely irresistible. So 
insufficient were his means of defence, from the 
middle of September, to about the 20th October, 
and so overwhelming was the superiority of the 
enemy’s force, and constantly augmenting, that had 
he at this time, retired to New Orleans, with his 
little army, an unanimous sentence of approbation 
must have been pronounced by his countrymen. 
But his language was “ resting on the BRAVERy 
of my little phalanx, i hope for success.” Not¬ 
withstanding the discouraging aspect of affairs, it 
w’as at this period that he resolved, on his own res¬ 
ponsibility, to march for Pensacola ; and with his 
army—“ to carry our arms where we find our ene¬ 
mies Having been educated as a jurist, he was 

* Had it not been for some unaccountable neglect or design in the War 
Department, in July, 1814, Gen. Jackson would not have been reduced to 
this dilemma. Upon January 17th, 1815, he received a letter from Mr. 
Armstrong, dated July 13*h, 1814, as Secretary Of War, whic-h says— 


168 


MEMOIRS OF 


versed in the principles of the Law of Nations. 
He had a knowledge of the obligations which one 
government owes to another—he was aware of the 
acts which this code would justify in a belligerent 
power, and the duty it enjoined upon a power that 
was professedly a neutral one. The Spanish gov¬ 
ernment at this time, in regard to the American 
Republic, was of the latter character by profession, 
and of the former one by practice. He determined 
to place himself within striking distance of the 
enemy, whether he found them devastating the ter¬ 
ritory of the Republic, or preparing to do it in the 
adjoining territory of another power. The propri¬ 
ety and legality of this measure will more properly 
be considered, when we have traced the life of 
Gen. Jackson to the year 1818, when he, a second 
time, carried the American arms to the capital of 
Florida. 

About the 25th October, the exhilirating intelli¬ 
gence was received at Mobile, that Gen. Coffee 
had arrived at Fort St. Stevens, with nearly 3000 
‘ Tennessee Volunteers,’ and Mississippi Dragoons. 
The news operated upon the “ little phalanx,” like 
a shock of electricity upon the human system. 
Though previously resolved to follow their com- 

“ If all the circumstances stated by you, unite, the conclusion is irre¬ 
sistible. It becomes our duty to carry our arms where we find our ene¬ 
mies Mr. Armstrong, not long after this date, was succeeded in the 
war department, by Mr. Monroe. The whole of this letter may be seen 
bv recurrence to the pubttcatrons of that period. 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


i 6 9 • 


mander to the cannon’s mouth, and force their wav 
into the fortress of the enemy, though bristled with 
bayonets, they became enthusiastic when they 
knew they were reinforced by veterans, to many 
of whom victory had become familiar, and who 
were ignorant of the name of fear. Gen. Jackson 
hastened to the encampment of his companion in 
arms. He might have said of Gen. Coffee, as Nel¬ 
son said of Capt. Hardy—“ He is my right arm.” 
They had travelled hand in hand, in the high road 
to conquest over savages, and were now again 
united in a desperate effort to save their country 
from subjugation and slavery, by the vaunting 
conquerors of the rights of man in Europe. 

Many of the troops who arrived from Tennessee, 
and Mississippi, had seen no service, but they saw 
their beloved country endangered, and they imme^ 
diately became practical, if not theoretical soldiers. 
Parts of the 3d, 39th, and 44th infantry of U. S. 
soldiers, were mingled with them. In a few days, 
they were all ready for an expedition to Pensacola, 
o “ plant the American Eagle ” in the place of the 
British Lion.* 

Upon the 3d November, the army took up the 
line of march. Gen. Jackson commanded in per¬ 
son. Upon the 6th, he approached the place, and 
sent forward a flag to the governour at Fort St. 
George. In open violation of every principle of 

» A British flag had, for many day*, been hoisted at the Spanish Jprt 
in Pensacola. 

15 


170 


MEMOIRS Oif 


civilized warfare—in flagrant contempt of the 
rights even of contending armies, Maj. Pierre, who 
bore the flag, was fired on by a cannon from the 
fort ! It was courtesy alone, that induced Gen. 
Jackson to send the flag. His wish was, notwith¬ 
standing the previous insolence of governour Man- 
requez, to save the effusion of human blood, by a 
pacific interview, explaining the object of his visit ; 
and had he immediately stormed the fort, and put 
the garrison to the sword, the laws of war would 
have justified the procedure. He encamped his 
troops for the night, and upon the morning of the 
7th, “ proclaimed his diplomatic character from the 
mouths of his cannon .” 

The general hastily and briefly describes the 
battle in the following letter, having subsequently 
made his Report to the Secretary of War. 

PEN. JACKSON TO GOV. BLOUNT. 

H. Q,. 7th Military District, Tensavi , Nov. 1814. 

sir—On last evening I returned from Pensacola 
to this place. I reached that post on the evening 
of the 6th. On my approach I sent Major Pierre 
with a flag to communicate the object of my visit 
to the Governour of Pensacola. He approached 
Fort St. George, with his flag displayed, and was 
fired on by the cannon from the fort; he returned 
and made report thereof to me. I immediately went 
with the Adjutant-General and the Major, with a 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


171 


Small escort, and viewed the fort, and found it de¬ 
fended by both British and Spanish troops. I im¬ 
mediately determined to storm the town ; retired 
and encamped my troops for the night, and made the 
necessary arrangements to carry my determination 
into effect the next day. 

On the morning of the 7th, 1 inarched with the 
effective regulars of the 3d, 39th, and 4th infantry ; 
part of Gen. Coffee’s brigade ; the Mississippi dra¬ 
goons, and part of the West Tennessee regiment, 
commanded by Lieut. Col. Hammonds, (Col. Low ¬ 
ry having deserted and gohe home,) and part of 
the Choctaws, led by Maj. Blue of the 39th, and 
Maj. Kennedy, of Mississippi Territory. Being en¬ 
camped on the west of the town, I calculated they 
would expect the assault from that quarter, and be 
prepared to rake me from the fort, and the British 
armed vessels, 7 in number, that lay in the bay. 
To cherish this idea, I sent out part of the mounted 
men to show themselves on the west, whilst I pass¬ 
ed in rear of the fort undiscovered to the east of 
the towm. When I appeared within a mile, I was 
in full view. My pride was never more heightened 
than in viewing the uniform firmness of my troops, 
and with what undaunted courage they advanced 
with a strong fort ready to assail them on the 
right; seven British armed vessels on the left ; 
strong block-houses and batteries of cannon in their 
front : but they still advanced with unshaken firm¬ 
ness, entered the town, when a battery of two can- 


m 


MEMOIRS OF 


non was opened upon the centre column, composed 
of regulars, with ball and grape, and a shower of 
musketry from the houses and gardens. The bat- 
tery was immediately stormed by Capt. Levall and 
company, and carried, and the musketry was soon 
silenced by the steady and well directed fire of 
?he regulars. 

The governour met Cols. Williamson and Smith, 
who led the dismounted volunteers, with a flag, 
begged for mercy, and surrendered the town and 
fort, unconditionally. Mercy was granted and pro¬ 
tection given to the citizens and their property, 
and still Spanish treachery kept us out of posses¬ 
sion of the fort, until nearly 12 o’clock at night. 

Never was more cool, determined bravery dis 
played by any troops ; and the Choctaws advanced 
to the charge with equal bravery. 

On the morning of the 8th, I prepared to march 
and storm the Barancas, but before 1 could move, 
Temendous explosions told me that the Barancas, 
with all its appendages w 7 as blown up. I dis¬ 
patched a detachment of two hundred men to ex¬ 
plore it, who returned in the night with the infor¬ 
mation that it was blown up ; all the combustible 
parts burnt, the cannon spiked and dismounted, 
except two. This being the case, I determined to 
withdraw my troops ; but before I did, I had the 
pleasure of seeing the British depart. Col. Nicoll 
abandoned the fort on the night of the 6th, and 


ANDREW JACKSON, 


1 <•> O 

I i 5 

betook himself to his shipping, with his friend Capt. 
Woodbine, and their red friends. 

The steady firmness of my troops has drawn a 
just respect from our enemies. It has convinced 
the Red Sticks, that they have no strong hold or 
protection, only in the friendship of the United 
States. The good order and conduct of my troops 
whilst in Pensacola, has convinced the Spaniards 
of our friendship and our prowess, and has drawn 
from the citizens an expression, that our Choctaws 
are more civilized than the British. 

In great haste, I am, &c. 

ANDREW JACKSON. 

In this engagement not an American lost his life. 
The gallant Capt. Levall, mentioned in the gene¬ 
ral’s letter commenced the attack, and fell despe¬ 
rately wounded at the head of his command, in 
storming the enemy’s battery. The conduct of 
Gov. Manrequez, in the midst of the engagement, 
is a volume of commentary upon his previous 
conduct. “ With a flag, he begged for mercy, and 
surrendered the town -and fort, unconditionally /” 
Gen. Jackson might have said to him, as a gallant 
chieftain of antiqiuty did to a trembling and sup¬ 
plicating foe—“ Be not as extreme in submission 
as in cffencey This generous commander felt a 
contemptuous pity for the humbled governour. 
He was aware that he was not a free agent, and of 

course, hardly an accountable being. He acted 

15 * 


MEMOIRS OE 


174 

under duress from the imperious Col. Nicoll and 
Capt. Woodbine, who, no less terrified than the 
governour, fled in consternation to their shipping, 
before a gun was fired ; in which, if they could not 
withstand, they could flee from the vengeance of 
Republican Soldiers. 

Soon after the terms of capitulation were agreed 
upon, the governour agreed also to surrender the 
Barancas, about fifteen miles to the westward. 
But in perfect consistency with Spanish faith, and 
British honour, it was blown up and completely de¬ 
molished before it could be possessed by the Amer¬ 
ican forces. 

Gen. Jackson, having struck this important blow ; 
having convinced the hostile Indians, that Spaniards 
could not protect them ; and Spaniards, that the con¬ 
fident security they had placed in British protec¬ 
tion only exposed them to destruction, he immedi- 
adely prepared to throw himself and his army, into 
the more exposed parts of the country. It excites 
astonishment that he should have left Mobile upon 
the 3d, arrived at Pensacola upon the 6th, captured 
it upon the 7th, agreed upon the surrender of the 
Barancas, upon the 8th, and upon the 9th, have 
taken up the line of march for Mobile to defend Fort 
Bowyer. To this celerity of movement, and impor¬ 
tance of measures, modern warfare scarcely fur¬ 
nishes a parallel. Gen. Jackson possesses one of the 
most essential attributes of a warrior— promptitude. 
He decides promptly, he executes promptly.—He 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


m 

also possesses the rare quality of infusing into the 
hearts of his soldiers, the ardour that inspires his 
own. 

While these events were transpiring in the eas¬ 
tern section of the 7th military district, the solici¬ 
tude of the commander and the whole adjoining 
country, was increased for the safety of New Or¬ 
leans, emphatically the key of the whole Western 
States and Territories. 

Col. Nicoll, soon after his arrival at Pensacola, 
confident of success, and swelling with the “ un¬ 
gathered laurels” of anticipated victories, endeav¬ 
oured to prepare the minds of Louisianians, Ken¬ 
tuckians, Tennesseeans, and the citizens of Missis¬ 
sippi, for the blessings of British dominion, to 
which they would shortly be subjected. Although 
his celebrated Proclamation has long been before 
the indignant reader, to hold that and him up again 
to contempt, I insert it in this work. 

COL. NICOLL, TO LOUISIANIANS, KENTUCKIANS, &C. 

“ Natives of Louisiana ! On you the first call is 
made, to assist in liberating from a faithless, imbe¬ 
cile government, your paternal soil ; Spaniards, 
Frenchmen, Italians, and British, whether settled, 
or residing for a time in Louisiana, on you, also, I 
call, to aid me in this just cause. The American 
usurpation , in this country must be abolished, and 
the lawful owners of the soil put in possession. I 
am at the head of a large body of Indians, well arm¬ 
ed, disciplined, and commanded by British ofh- 


176 


MEMOIRS OF 


cers—a good train of artillery, with every requisite, 
seconded by the powerful aid of a numerous British 
and Spanish squadron of ships and vessels of war. 
Be not alarmed, inhabitants of the country, at our 
approach ; the same good faith and disinterested¬ 
ness, which has distinguished the conduct of Britons 
in Europe , accompanies them here ; you will have 
no fear of litigious taxes imposed on you, for the 
purpose of carrying on an unnatural and unjust war ; 
your property, your laws, the peace and tranquillity 
of your country, will be guaranteed to you by men, 
who will suffer no-infringement of their’s. Rest as* 
sured, that these brave red men only burn with an 
ardent desire of satisfaction, for the wrongs they 
have suffered from the Americans; to join you, in 
liberating these southern provinces from their yoke , 
and drive them into those limits formerly prescri¬ 
bed by my sovereign. The Indians have pledged 
themselves in the most solemn manner, not to injure, 
in the slightest degree, the persons or properties of 
any, but enemies. A flag over any door, whether 
Spanish, French, or British, will be a certain pro¬ 
tection ; nor dare any Indian put his foot on the 
threshold thereof, under penalty of death from his 
own countrymen ; not even an enemy, will an In¬ 
dian put to death, except resisting in arms ; and as 
for injuring helpless women and children, the red 
men, by their good conduct, and treatment to them, 
will (ifit be possible) make the Americans blush for 
their more inhuman conduct lately on the Escam 
bia ; and within a neutral territory. 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


17? 


inhabitants of Kentucky ! you have too long; 
borne with grievous impositions—The whole brunt 
of the war has fallen on your brave sons : be im¬ 
posed on no longer, but either range yourselves 
under the standard of your forefathers , or observe 
a strict neutrality. 

If you comply with either of these offers, what¬ 
ever provisions you send down, will be paid for in 
dollars , and the safety of the persons bringing it , as 
well as the free navigation of the Mississippi, guar - 
tnteed to you. Men of Kentucky ! let me call to 
your view, (and I trust to your abhorrence,) the 
conduct of those factions , which hurried you into 
this civil , unjust , and unnatural war , at a time 
when Great Britain was straining every nerve, in 
defence of her own, and the liberties of the world— 
when the bravest of her sons were fighting and 
bleeding in so sacred a cause—when she was 
spending millions of her treasure', in endeavouring 
to pull down one of the most formidable and dan¬ 
gerous tyrants, that ever disgraced the form of 
man—when groaning Europe was almost in her 
last gasp—when Britons alone showed an undaunted 
front —basely did those assassins endeavour to stab 
her from the rear ; she has turned on them, reno¬ 
vated from the bloody, but successful struggle. 
Europe is happy and free , and she now hastens, 
justly, to revenge the unprovoked insult. Show 
them that you are not collectively unjust; leave 
that contemptible few to shift for themselves : let 


178 


MEMOIRS 0*’ 


those slaves of the tyrant send an embassy to Elba*, 
and implore his aid ; but let every honest, upright 
American spurn them with united contempt. After 
the experience of twenty-one years, can you longer 
support those brawlers for liberty, who call it fr£e 
dom, when themselves are free ? Be no longer 
their dupes—accept of my offers—every thing I 
have promised in this paper, I guarantee to you. 
on the sacred honour of a British officer. 

Given under my hand at my head quarters, 
Pensacola , this 29th da} r of August, 1814. 

EDWARD NICOLL, 

It would be difficult to determine whether weak¬ 
ness, ignorance, arrogance, or falsehood predomi¬ 
nates in this British state paper ; and whether it W’as 
the production of a cabinet council at London, or of 
the individual labour of the redoubted Col. NicolL 
It would be “ stale, flat, and unprofitable,” to ana¬ 
lyze or criticise it. It evinces the weakness of the 
author, his ignorance of the American character, 
the arrogance of a coward, and the baseness of a 
scoundrel. The conduct ofNicoll at Pensacola, is 
a sufficient commentary upon his proclamation. 
Having duped the governour of Florida, and expos¬ 
ed his capital to destruction, he basely deserted him, 
in his utmost need, and shewed, that with an ancient 
British Knight, he thought “ the better part of 
valour is—discretion.” Maj. Lawrence at Fort 
Bowver, taught him, for the rest part of his life, to 


ANDUEW JACKSON. 


-} *9 


look with a single eye.* No proclamation could be 
better calculated to call the gallant sons of Ken¬ 
tucky, Tennessee, Louisiana, and Mississippi to the 
standard of the American Hero, than this. They 
knew well how to distinguish between his patriot¬ 
ism and courage, and “ the sacred honour of a Brit¬ 
ish officer.” It will be remembered that another 
British officer, Gen. Brisbane, invited the citizens 
of New-York and Vermont, to flee to the standard of 
of Sir Geo. Prevost at Plattsburg. They preferred 
that of Gen. Macomb ; and there taught the vaunt¬ 
ing conquerors of Napoleon the same lesson at the 
North , which Gen. Jackson alterwards repeated to 
them at the South. 


* See Gen, Jackson’* account ofthe defence cfFort Bowyer. 


180 


MEMOIRS OF 


CHAPTER XIII. 

Gen. Jackson’s arrival at New Orleans—perilous situation 
of that place—reliance upon distant forces—his address 
to the people of Louisiana—timidity of the legislature— 
evidence of disaffection, and traitorous conduct—De 
claration of Martial Law—Measures of defence—Arri¬ 
val of reinforcements—Landing of the enemy—Battle 
of the 23d December—Official report of it. 

THE solicitude which Gen. Jackson felt for the 
safety of Mobile bay and Fort Bowyer, was now 
almost forgotten in the overwhelming anxiety he 
endured for the most important place in his district, 
and in some respects, in the Union— New-Orleans , 
For a considerable period there had been no gen- 
eral officer in the 7th military district but himself, 
who was attached to the army of the United States, 
although with him there had long been one general 
officer who would adorn any service. At length 
Brig. Gen. Winchester, of U. S. army, arrived, and 
to him Gen. Jackson assigned the command of the 
eastern section of his district, and immediately re¬ 
paired to New Orleans. 

He arrived at this place upon the 2d December, 
1814. A mere casuist may wonder why the pre¬ 
sence of a single individual at an exposed place, is 
an augury of its safety ; but it is in vain for casu¬ 
ists, philosophers, or stoics, to laugh at a sentiment 
that is common to our nature. The presence of 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


181 


Washington at Trenton , and of Putnam at Bun¬ 
ker's Hill , had the same effect upon citizens and 
soldiers, as that of Jackson at Nezv-Orleans. 

At no period since the declaration of American 
Independence in July 177G, to December 1814, had 
an American commander a duty of more impor¬ 
tance and difficulty to discharge, than had Gen. 
Jackson at this portentous period. At Mobile, with 
means apparently wholly insufficient, (to use his 
own language,) he had “ a sickly climate, as well 
as an enemy to contend with.” At New-Orleans, he 
had to contend with the consternation of the citi¬ 
zens, the insolence of judicial power, and the timor¬ 
ous policy of the legislature of Louisiana ; as well 
as against the most powerful land and naval force, 
that had, for forty years, menaced any one place 
in the Republic. He had also to contend with the 
pfejudices, the favouritism, and the perfidiousness 
of foreigners, a vast number of whom had migrated 
to Louisiana before its accession to the Republic, 
by Mr. Monroe’s treaty. 

Although the Proclamation of Nicoll, excites in 
the mind of an intelligent American reader, no 
feeling but that of ineffable contempt; yet with the 
mixed population of Louisiana, its effects might be 
essentially different. Although amongst that popu¬ 
lation, were many native Americans of distin¬ 
guished talents and patriotism, it is without a doubt 
the fact, that in 1814, a majority of its inhabitants 
were of foreign extraction ; and that much the 

36 


18 2 


MEMOIRS OF 


most numerous class of foreigners were Frenchmen. 
They saw the same formidable power, that had re¬ 
cently taken the lead in conquering the conqueror 
of Europe, driving him into exile, and restoring 
Louis XVIII. to the French throne, now menacing 
Louisiana with a force, that seemed to be irresisti¬ 
ble. Spaniards , in the same power, recognized 
the restorer of Ferdinand VII. Englishmen, dared 
not take up arms against their own countrymen un¬ 
less certain of victory. Gen. Jackson was aware 
that in this discordant mass of people, there would 
be many, who would not only neglect to repair to 
the American standard, but who would “ give aid 
and comfort” to the enemy. He was also aware 
that energetic and coercive measures to detect do¬ 
mestic traitors, or to conquer a powerful foe, would 
meet with resistance from that undefined, and fre¬ 
quently unrestrained spirit of liberty, which for¬ 
eigners, recently settled in the Republic, almost in¬ 
variably manifest. But, it was in vain for him to 
wish for a different state of things, or to pursue a 
course of conduct which a different state would have 
rendered judicious and expedient. He was com¬ 
pelled to act as circumstances dictated, without the 
power of changing them. Like ? great man in dan¬ 
ger, described by a great poet, with elegance— “Se¬ 
rene and master of himself, he prepared for what 
might come, and left the rest to heaven.'’' 

Commander in Chief of the extensive and im¬ 
portant military district No. 7, he knew that the 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


133 


eyes and the hopes of the American people were 
fixed upon him, and “ the little phalanx” who had 
followed him to victory. With many who knew 
the peril of his situation, these hopes, were mingled 
with despair ; but despair never produced its para 
lizing effects in the bosom of the general. In Gov. 
Claiborne of Louisiana, Gov. Blount of Tennes¬ 
see, and Gov. Shelby of Kentucky, he felt a safe, 
a certain reliance, as he knew them to be patriotic 
statesmen of the first water. In Gen. Coffee and 
Gen. Carroll, and the gallant men who he knew 
would follow him to victory or to death, he could 
recognize officers and soldiers who would cheerful¬ 
ly unite with him and the small regular force he 
had under his command, at New-Orleans. From 
Mississippi, he also felt the strongest assurance that 
his force would be augmented by many of its gal¬ 
lant soldiers, who had followed him in taking am¬ 
ple vengeance upon the Creeks, for the massacre 
at Tensaw, in their territory. It was still, how r ever, 
wholly uncertain how soon an effective force, which 
would give any hopes of a successful defence of the 
place would arrive. His first reliance was upon 
the Louisiana militia, upon -whom, from circum¬ 
stances already mentioned, he could place the least. 
He had a faithful coadjutor in Gov. Claiborne ; and 
from Mr. Edward Livingston, derived every assist¬ 
ance, which his great talents and influence ena¬ 
bled him to afford. Gen. Jackson addressed the 
citizens and soldiers of Louisiana, in the following 
impressive manner :— 


i 84 


MEilOlilS OF 


“ Natives of the United States 1 the enem) 
yon are to contend with, are the oppressors ofyour 
mfant political existence—they are the men your 
fathers fought and conquered, whom you are now 
to oppose. 

Descendants of Frenchmen ! natives of France ! 
they are English, the hereditary, the eternal ene¬ 
mies of your ancient country, the invaders of that 
you have adopted, who are your foes. Spaniards ! 
remember the conduct of your allies at St. Sebas¬ 
tian, and recently at Pensacola, and rejoice that 
you have an opportunity of avenging the brutal 
injuries inflicted by men who dishonour the human 
race. Louisianians ! your general rejoices to wit¬ 
ness the spirit that animates you, not only for your 
honour but your safety ; for whatever had been 
your conduct or wishes, his duty would have led, 
and yet will lead him, to confound the citizen, un¬ 
mindful of his rights, with the enemy he ceases to 
oppose. Commanding men who know their rights, 
and are determined to defend them, he salutes you 
as brethren in arm< ; and has now a new motive to 
exert all his faculties, w r hich shall be strained to 
the utmost, in your defence. Continue with the 
energy you have begun, and he promises you not 
only safety, but victory over an insolent foe, who 
has insulted you by an affected doubt of vour at- 
tachment to the constitution of your country. Your 
enemy is near ; his sails already cover the lakes : 
but the brave are united ; and if he find us con- 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


185 


tending among ourselves, it will be for the prize 
of valour—and fame, its noblest reward.” 

Considering the nature of the people and of the 
troops he had to addsess, it is difficult to conceive 
of an appeal more appropriate. The native Ameri¬ 
cans are pointed to “ the oppressors of their infant 
political existence ”—The natives of France to the 
“ eternal enemy of their ancient country—the invaders 
of the one they had adopted' 1 '' —Spaniards too, are 
reminded of “ the brutal injuries inflicted ” upon 
their country, “ by men who dishonour the human 
raced ’ It was argwnentum ad hominum —an appeal 
to men ; which is generally more effectual than 
arguments deduced from principle. But excepting 
with the American part of the population, it had no 
effect. Indeed, from European Spaniards but 
little exertion could be expected in the cause of 
the Republic, when they shortly expected to see 
the country they inhabited return to the Spanish 
yoke ; and the Frenchmen there, who, a short period 
before, were vociferating, Vive VEmpereur ! were 
now sending in their adhesions to Louis XVill. 
and exclaiming, Vive le Roi ! —So far from volun¬ 
teering, they refused to comply with the military 
drafts that were made. 

The disaffection of the few is easily checked, 
when the public functionaries discharge the neces¬ 
sary duties devolved upon them ; but so far were 
the legislative and judiciary powers of the state, 
from calling in the power of law to check the 

16 * 


186 


MEMOIRS OF 


growing discontent, that they encouraged it by 
conniving at it. Governour Claiborne did every 
thing which a patriotic and vigilant executive could 
discharge ; but a majority of the legislature, nerve¬ 
less, timorous, and desponding, hung upon him like 
an incubus , and paralized all his exertions. In re¬ 
gard to this house of assembly, the governour might 
have said, “ mine enemies are those of my own 
household.” 

From the Police of the city of New-Orleans, no 
more hopes could be derived than from the majori¬ 
ty of the legislature of the state ; and some of its 
inhabitants were carrying on a treacherous inter¬ 
course with the enemy. The writer would not so 
confidently have stated the facts contained in this 
chapter, unless he had in his possession indubi¬ 
table evidence of their accuracy. From the mass 
of testimony, the following is selected from the 
correspondence between Gov. Claiborne and Gen. 
Jackson. In one letter the governour says, “ On a 
late occasion I had the mortification to acknow¬ 
ledge my inability to meet a requisition from Gen. 
Flournoy ; the corps of this city having for the most 
part resisted my orders, being encouraged in their 
disobedience by the legislature of the state, then 
in session ; one branch of which, the senate, 
having declared the requisition illegal and op¬ 
pressive, and the house of representatives hav¬ 
ing rejected a proposition to approve the mea¬ 
sure. How far I shall be supported in mv late 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


187 

orders remains yet to be proved. I have reason 
to calculate upon the patriotism of the interioui 
and western counties. I know also that there are 
many faithful citizens in New-Orleans ; but there 
are others, in whose attachment to the United 
States I ought not to confide. Upon the whole, 
Sir, I cannot disguise the fact, that if Louisiana 
should be attacked, we must principally depend for 
security upon the prompt movements of the regu¬ 
lar force under your command, and the militia of 
the western states and territories. At this moment 
we are in a very unprepared and defenceless condi¬ 
tion ; several important points of defence remain 
unoccupied, and in case of a sudden attack, this 
capital would, I fear, fall an easy sacrifice,” 

In another letter, he most impressively remarks, 
—“Inclosed you have copies of my late general 
orders. They may, and I trust will be obeyed ; but 
to this moment, my fellow-citizens have not mani¬ 
fested all that union and zeal the crisis demands, 

. and their own safety requires. There is in this 
city a much greater spirit of disaffection, than I had 
anticipated ; and among the faithful Louisianians, 
there is a despondency which palsies all my pre¬ 
parations ; they see no strong regular force, around 
which they could rally with confidence, and they 
seem to think themselves not within the reach of 
seasonable assistance, from the western states. I 
am assured, Sir, you will make the most judicious 
disposition of the forces under your command ; hut 


388 


MEMOIRS OF 


excuse me for suggesting, that the presence of the 
seventh regiment, at or near New-Orleans, will 
have the most salutary effect. The garrison here at 
present, is alarmingly weak, and is a cause of much 
regret : from the great mixture of persons, and 
characters, in this city, we have as much to appre¬ 
hend from within as from without. In arresting the 
intercourse between New-Orleans and Pensacola, 
you have done right. Pensacola is in fact, an ene¬ 
my’s post, and had our commercial intercourse 
with it continued, the supplies furnished to the ene¬ 
my, would have so much exhausted our own stock 
of provisions, as to have occasioned the most seri¬ 
ous inconvenience to ourselves. 

1 was on the point of taking on myself the pro¬ 
hibition of the trade with Pensacola : I had prepar¬ 
ed a proclamation to that effect, and would have 
issued it the very day I heard of your interposition. 
Enemies to the country, may blame you for your 
prompt and energetic measures ; but, in the per¬ 
son of every patriot you will find a supporter. I 
am very confident of the vei’ 3 ' lax police of this city, 
and indeed, throughout the state, with respect to 
the visits of strangers. I think with you, that our 
country is filled with spies and traitors. I have 
written pressingly on the subject, to the city au¬ 
thorities and parish judges—I hope some efficient 
regulations will speedily be adopted by the first, and 
more vigilance exerted for the future, by the 
latter. 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


189 


Ill a third letter, the governour observes— 

•* The only difficulty I have hitherto experienced, 
in meeting the requisition, has been in this city, 
and exclusively from some European Frenchmen, 
who, after giving their adhesion to Louis XVIII. 
have, through the medium of the French consul, 
claimed exemption from the drafts, as French sub¬ 
jects. The question of exemption, however, is 
now under discussion, before a special court of en¬ 
quiry, and I am not without hopes, that these un¬ 
grateful men, may yet be brought to a discharge of 
their duties. 

You have been informed of the contents of an 
intercepted letter, written by Col. Coliel, a Span¬ 
ish officer, to Capt. Morales, of Pensacola. This 
letter was submitted for the opinion of the attorney 
general of the state, as to the measures to be pursu¬ 
ed against the writer. The attorney general was of 
opinion, that the courts could take no cognizance of 
the same ; but that the governour might order the 
writer to leave the state, and in case of refusal, to 
send him off by force. I accordingly, Sir, order¬ 
ed Col. Coliel to take his departure, in forty- 
eight hours, for Pensacola, and gave him the ne¬ 
cessary passports. I hope, this measure may meet 
your approbation. It is a just retaliation for the 
conduct lately observed by the governour of Pen¬ 
sacola, and may induce the Spaniards residing 
among us, to be less communicative upon those sub¬ 
jects which relate to our military movements.*’ 


190 


MEMOIRS Of 


In another letter, this patriotic chief-magistrate 
says to Gen. Jackson, “ If Louisiana is invaded, I 
shall put myself at the head of such of my militia 
as will follow me to the field, and on receiving, 
shall obey 3 r our orders.” It will be remembered 
that the venerable Gov. Shelby, of Kentucky, serv¬ 
ed under Maj. Gen. Harrison, when he obtained 
his signal victory over Gen. Proctor. In addition 
to this explicit evidence, furnished by Gov. Clai¬ 
borne, Charles K. Blanchard, Esq. writes to Gen. 
Jackson thus—“ Quarter-Master Peddie, of the 
British army, observed [to me,] that the command¬ 
ing officers of the British forces, were daily in the 
receipt cf every information from the city^ of New- 
Orleans, which they might require in aid of their 
operations, for the completion of the objects of the 
expedition ;—that they were perfectly acquainted 
with the situation of every part of our forces, the 
manner in which the same was situated, the number 
of our fortifications, their strength, position, <kc. 
He further more stated, that the above information 
was received from persons in the city of New-Or- 
leans, from whom he could at any hour , procure 
every information necessary to promote his majes¬ 
ty's interest!1” 

I have been thus particlar in describing the si¬ 
tuation in which Gen. Jackson found the citizens 
of Louisiana, its legislature, and its capital, upon his 
arrival there, early in December, 1814, because if 
induced, and indeed, compelled him to resort to a 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


191 


measure which had never before been resorted (o 
in the Republic, since the adoption of the Consti¬ 
tution- THE DECLARATION OF MARTIAL LAW. TlliS 

took place on the 16th of the month, twenty-three 
days before the splendid victory, which secured 
the city of New-Orleans and the states bordering 
upon the Mississippi, from the rapacity of an ene¬ 
my, whose principles of warfare, had been demon¬ 
strated, upon the western frontier, at Havre de 
Grace, at Hampton, and at Washington ! 

The proceedings of the legislature were suspend¬ 
ed. But let the majority of the members, who 
then constituted it, remember, that the suspension 
of their civil power, was occasioned by their resist¬ 
ance of a legal military power. Gen. Jackson had 
been too long in the discharge of the highest civil 
functions, not to acknowledge the superiority of 
the civil* over the military power. He had been 
too long in militar}^ life, to be ignorant of the duties 
of an American General, to whom was committed 
the defence of a district, the safety of which was 
paramount to every other consideration. 

The citizens of New-Orleans, and its environs, 
were, for a few days deprived of their accustomed 
privileges. But the patriotic part of them, endured 
the deprivation with pleasure, since it prohibited 
the perfidious and traitorous part of them, from 
holding an intercourse with the enemy, calculated 
;o aid them in the subjugation of it. 


192 


MEMOIRS OF 


Gen. Jackson had been incessantly engaged, 
since his arrival, in selecting the most commanding 
scites for fortifications, near the mouth of the 
Mississippi. Fort St. Philips, was selected as the 
most eligible one, and Maj. W. H. Overton, was ap¬ 
pointed to the command of it. His gallant de¬ 
fence of it, will constitute a subsequent article in 
these memoirs. The naval force near New-Or- 
leans, consisted of small gun-vessels, under the com¬ 
mand of Capt. Patterson. The gallantry, not to 
say desperation, with which they were defended, 
more properly belongs to the naval chronicle than 
to this work. 

From the 16th, to the 22d December, the gener¬ 
al, by his animation, vigilance, and exertions, seem¬ 
ed to magnify his little phalanx into a host, and 
to dissipate the despondency that pervaded the citi¬ 
zens, by the confidence his presence excited. Upon 
the last mentioned day, the reinforcements from 
Tennessee, under Generals Carroll and Coffee, 
had arrived. Those under Gen. Coffee, were, the 
most of them, the same men who had encamped at 
Fort St. Stephens, two months previous, and who 
were present at the capture of Pensacola, upon the 
7th November. From the time they left Tennes¬ 
see, to the time they encamped at New-Orleans, 
they had marched over 800 miles ! The troops 
under the command of Gen. Carroll, were those 
recently raised by order of Gov. Blount, and but 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


193 


few ot them had seen any service. They had sud¬ 
denly repaired to their rendezvous at home ; im¬ 
mediately entered the water craft in the Mississip¬ 
pi, and had no opportunity to study even the first 
principles of military tactics, before they were 
called to face a veteran foe, whose prowess was 
acknowledged through the world. The Mississippi 
Dragoons had also arrived, under the command of 
their accomplished leader, Maj. Hinds ; and this 
heterogenous mass of citizen-soldiers , was convert¬ 
ed, as by magic, into an army, whose achievements 
under their great leader, Gen. Jackson, will now be 
detailed. At this period, the Kentucky troops, 
raised by order of Gov. Shelby, and commanded by 
Maj. Gen. Thomas, had not arrived atNew-Orleans. 

Previous to the 23d, the gun-vessels had been 
captured by the enemy, with an overwhelming 
force, after a defence by Lieut. Thos. Ap. Catesby 
Jones, which “ reflects additional splendour on our 
naval glory, and diminishes the regret felt by their 
loss. 5 ’* 

Upon the 23d, Maj. Gen. Keene landed nine 
miles below New-Orleans, with 3000 men, inured 
to arms, and Gen. Jackson, with less than half that 
number of men, mostly militia, immediately march¬ 
ed to give him battle. His account of the contest 
follows. 

* Vide Copt- Patterson’s, and Lieut. Jones’ official report?• 


194 


MEMOIRS OF 


MAJ. GEN. JACKSON TO HON. JAMES MONROE. 

Camp, below New-Orleans. Dec. 27, 1SH. 

Sir—The loss of our gun-boats near the pass oi 
the Rigolets, having given the enemy command of 
lake Rorgne, he was enabled to chose his point of 
attack. It became therefore an object of import¬ 
ance, to obstruct the numerous bayous and canals, 
leading from that lake to the highlands on the Mis¬ 
sissippi. This important service was committed, in 
the first instance, to a detachment of the 7th regi¬ 
ment, afterwards to Col. De Laronde, of the Lou¬ 
isiana militia, and lastly, to make all sure, to Maj- 
Gen. Villere, commanding the district between 
the river and the lakes, and who being a native 
of the country, was presumed to be best acquaint¬ 
ed with all those passes. Unfortunately, however, 
a picquet which the general had established at the 
mouth of the bayou Bienvenu, and which, not¬ 
withstanding my orders, had been left unobstruct¬ 
ed, was completely surprised, and the enemy 
penetrated through a canal leading to his farm, 
about two leagues below the city, and succeeded 
m cutting oft' a company of militia stationed 
there. This intelligence was communicated to 
me about 12 o’clock of the 23 d. My force at this 
lime, consisted of parts of the 7th and 44th regi¬ 
ments, not exceeding six hundred together, the city 
militia, a part of Gen. Coffee’s brigade of mounted 
gunmen, and the detached militia from the western 
division of Tennessee, under the command of 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


195 


Maj. Gen. Carroll. These two last corps were sta- 
tioned 4 miles above the city. Apprehending a 
double attack by the way of Chief-Menteur, I left 
Gen. Carroll's force and the militia of the city, post¬ 
ed on the Gentilly road ; and at five o’clock P. M. 
marched to meet the enemy, whom I was resolved 
o attack in his first position, with Maj. Hinds’ dra¬ 
goons, Gen. Coffee’s brigade, parts of the 7th and 
•Kth regiments, the uniformed companies of mili¬ 
tia, under the command of Maj. Planche, 200 men 
of colour, chiefly from St. Domingo, raised by Col- 
Savary, and acting under the command of Maj. 
Dagwin, and a detachment of artillery under the 
direction of Col. M’Rhea, with two 6 pounders, 
under the command of Lieut. Spotts ; not exceed¬ 
ing in all, 1500. I arrived near the enemy’s en¬ 
campment about seven, and immediately made my 
dispositions for the attack. His forces amounting 
-sit that time on land, to about 3000, extended half a 
mile on that river, and in the rear nearly to the 
wood. Gen. Coffee was ordered to turn their 
right, while with the residue of the force, I attack- 
ed his strongest position on the left, near the river. 
Com. Patterson, having dropped down the river in 
the schooner Caroline, was directed to open a fire 
upon their camp, which he executed at about halt 
past seven. This being a signal of attack, Gen. Cof¬ 
fee’s men, with their usual impetuosit} r , rushed or 
the enemy’s right, and entered thc’r camp, while 
our right advanced with equal ardour. There can 


I 


186 


MEMOIRS OF 


be but little doubt, that we should hare succeeded 
on that occasion, with our inferior force, in destroy¬ 
ing or capturing the enemy, had not a thick fog 
which arose about 8 o’clock, occasioned some con¬ 
fusion among the different corps. Fearing the con¬ 
sequence, under this circumstanco, of the further 
prosecution of a night attack, with troops then 
acting together for the first time, I contented my¬ 
self with lying on the field that night ; and at four 
in the morning assumed a stronger position, about 
two miles nearer the city. At this position I re¬ 
mained encamped, waiting the arrival of the Ken¬ 
tucky militia and other reinforcements. As the 
safety of the city will depend on the fate of this 
army, it must not be incautiously exposed. 

In this affair the whole corps under my command, 
deserve the greatest credit. The best compliment 
I can pay to Gen. Coffee and his brigade, is to say, 
they have behaved as they have always done, while 
under my command. The 7th led by Maj. Pierre, 
and 44th, commanded by Col. Ross, distinguished 
themselves. The battalion of city militia com¬ 
manded by Maj. Planche, realized my anticipations, 
and behaved like veterans. Savary’s volunteers- 
manifested great bravery ; and the company of city 
riflemen, having penetrated into the midst of the 
enemy’s camp, were surrounded, and fought their 
way out with the greatest heroism, bringing with 
them a number of prisoners. The two field pieced 
were well served by the officers commanding them.. 


INDBEW 3 ACKSOtf. I 9 7 

All my officers in the line did their duty, and 1 
have every reason to he satisfied with the whole of 
tny field and staff. Cols. Butler and Platt, and 
Maj. Chotard, by their intrepidity, saved the artil- 
lery. Col. Haynes was every where that duty or 
danger called. I was deprived of the services of 
one of my aids, Capt. Butier, whom I was obliged 
to station, to his great regret, in town. Capt. Reid, 
my other aid, and Messrs. Livingston, Duplissi?* 
and Davizac, who had volunteered their services., 
faced danger wherever it was to be met, and carri¬ 
ed my orders with the utmost promptitude. 

We made one Major, two subalterns, and sixty- 
three privates prisoners ; and the enemy’s loss in 

killed and ivounded must have been at least —- 

My own loss 1 have not as yet been able to ascer¬ 
tain with exactness, but suppose it to amount to 
100 in killed, wounded and missing. Among the 
former, I have to lament the loss of Col. Lauder¬ 
dale, of Gen. Coffee's brigade, who fell while 
bravely fighting. Cols. Dyer and Gibson of the 
same corps, were wounded, and Maj. Kavenaugh 
taken prisoner. 

Col. De Laronde, Maj. Villere, of the Louisiana 
militia, Maj. Latour, of engineers, having no com¬ 
mand, volunteered their services, as did Drs. Kerr 
and Hood, and were of great assistance to me. 

I have the honour to be, &c. 

ANDREW JACKSON. 

0 

Hob. Jambs Monroe, Secretary of War. 

17* 



198 MEMOIRS 02 

Since the civilized world have made the trade 
of war a science, perhaps no two armies ever met 
and separated, with opinions so different of each, as 
those of Gen. Jackson and Gen. Keene, on the 23d. 
The first, consisting of a small number of regular 
troops, and the rest of gentlemen and yeomen, who 
had spent their days amidst the scenes of peace, 
Ihe whole amounting only to 1500, must have met 
a veteran army of 3000, in field fight, with fore¬ 
bodings bordering upon despair. The second, con¬ 
scious of great superiority in numbers, in discipline, 
and in experience, marched to the contest with 
contempt for their enemy, and a certainty of 
making them their prey. The battle gave to the 
first, confidence —to the second, it taught caution . 

As the general, in his official report, does not 
mention the number the enemy lost, I extract from 
fnsp. Gen. Haynes’ report, “ Killed, left on the 
field of battle, 100— Wounded, left on the field of 
battle, 230— Prisoners, 70—total, 400.” The loss 
in the American forced, were—Killed, 24—-Wound¬ 
ed, 115—missing, 74—total, 213, 


ANDREW JACKSON* 




CHAPTER XIV. 


Benevolent exertions of the Ladies of New Orleans—Gen, 
Jackson selects the final position of his array—Loss of the 
naval force—Capt. Patterson—Lieut. Jones—Harmony 
between land and naval forces—Defence afr the mouth of 
the Mississippi—American lines on theeastand west side 
of the river described—Battle ©f the 28th December—of 
the 1st January—Attempt upon the left wing of the Ame¬ 
rican army. 


THE battle of the 23d December, although by 
no means a decisive one, produced those effects 
which led to ultimate victory. The despondency 
of the citizens was converted into hope, and the 
undisciplined troops of the Republic, presented 
u a rampart of high-minded and brave men.” 

From the romantic age of chivalry, to this period 
of the world, the defence of the fair sex has been 
the pride of the warrior, and their approving sen* 
fence, one of his highest rewards. The ladies of 
New Orleans, not content merely to bestow their 
applause and their smiles upon their defenders, ex* 
erted all their faculties to ameliorate the hardships 
they endured, and to relieve them from the priva¬ 
tions they suffered. Clothing of a necessary kind, 
was furnished to a large amount for the troops, who, 
from long service and absence from home, found it 
a most seasonable supply. Almost constant ex 
posure to the inclemency of the season, rendered 


200 


MEMOIRS OF 


an additional supply of clothing, a comfort to the 
war-worn veteran, which he knows well how to ap¬ 
preciate. Imitating the exalted benevolence of the 
American matrons and daughters, in the gloomy 
period of the revolution, the females of the city 
became ministering angels to the wants of their 
heroic protectors. The historian will immediately 
recollect, that the women of ancient Carthage, in 
a time of danger, divested themselves of their flow¬ 
ing locks, and converted them into cordage to aid 
the common defence. While the achievements of 
female Amazons, rather excite disgust than ap¬ 
plause, the refined benevolence of the tender sex, 
commands the admiration of men ; and even angels 
must witness it with a smile of complacency. 

Notwithstanding the rigorous execution of mar¬ 
tial law, over citizens as well as soldiers, the sullen 
murmurs of the disaffected were drowned by the 
applause of the patriotic. All was animation in the 
camp—all was confidence in the city. Gen. Jack- 
son was in daily, indeed in hourly expectation of a 
renewed attack from the enemy. Although the 
American troops remained upon the field of battle 
until the 24th, yet the disadvantages of the situa¬ 
tion, and the continuance of the enemy in their 
first position where they landed, with nearly treble 
his force, induced him to fall back nearer to the 
city. Offensive operations, under these circum¬ 
stances, would have been rashness bordering upon 
desperation. 


ANDREW 2ACKS0N. 


201 


Although from the gallant achievements of his 
troops upon the 23d, Gen. Jackson had every 
thing to hope from them, yet he did not, as has of¬ 
ten been the case in modern warfare, consider 
men as ammunition , to be expended at pleasure, 
to grace the commander with laurels. His lan¬ 
guage to Mr. Monroe was—“ As the safety of this 
city , will depend on the fate of this army , it must not 
be incautiously exposed .” He selected the most 
advantageous position, upon the east bank of the 
Mississippi, and commenced a system of defence, 
which will forever give him an exalted rank among 
the great commanders of the nineteenth century. 
Although to use his own expressions, for which 
our copious language can with difficulty furnish a 
substitute—“ The surest defence , that seldom fails 
of success, is a rampart of high-minded and brave 
men ”—he acted in every situation, as if he was 
accountable to his country and his God, for the 
life of every man that was lost, who fought under 
his standard. 

After the loss of the small flotilla under Lieut. 
Jones, there was no naval defence but the schooner 
Caroline, and she was placed in a situation, which, 
owing to the current of the Mississippi, and the 
course of the winds, rendered her an easy prey 
to the enemy. Her gallant crew, however, defend¬ 
ed her until the red hot balls thrown from the 
enemy’s battery, set her on fire and blew her up, 
upon the 27th. Capt. Patterson and all his effi- 


202 


MEMOIRS or 


cers and men, immediately placed themselves un- 
der the command of Gen. Jackson, and'by their 
consummate skill in gunnery, rendered most essen¬ 
tial service in the land batteries. I cannot omit a 
brief extract*from Capt. Patterson’s letter to the 
navy department, dated 27th Jan. 1815.— u I have 
received from all the officers whom I have the hon¬ 
our to command, every aid and support which could 
possibly be rendered. They have been exposed 
to extraordinary hardships, both by day and night, 
to all the changes of this unstable clime, in this 
inclement season of the year ; perfoming the most 
arduous duties on shore, out of the line of their 
profession, independent of their ordinary duties; 
and all has been done and executed, with a cheer¬ 
fulness and alacrity that reflects upon them the 
highest credit; and that the unwearied exertions of 
the small naval force on this station, from the first 
appearance of the enemy, has contributed, in a 
great degree, to his expulsion, is freely acknow ¬ 
ledged by the gallant general, commanding the land 
forces.” The officers mentioned in this letter, are 
Capt. Henley, Lieuts. Alexis, Thompson, Norris, 
and Cunningham ; Mr. Purser Shields, Dr. Morrell, 
sailing-master Dealy, surgeon Heerman, navy-agent 
Smith, Maj. Cormick, commanding the marine 
corps, Mr. Shephard, aid de-camp, Lieut. Nevitt, 
volunteer; acting Lieuts . Speddin and M‘Keever. 
He further says—“ my petty oflicers, seamen, and 
marines, performed their duties to my entire satis¬ 
faction.” 


i ANDREW JACkbOX. 


203 

It has already been mentioned that the gun boats, 
commanded by Lieut. Jones were captured upon 
the 14th, and the commander severely wounded. 
His force was, Gun Boats, Nos. 5, 23, 156, 162, 
and 163—the whole mounting 23 guns, and having 
133 men on hoard. The British force that attacked 
this little gallant flotilla, consisted of 45 boats— 
42 guns, and 1200 men commanded by Capt. Lock- 
yer, whose loss in killed and wounded exceeded 
300 men ; and he received three severe wounds 
himself. Upon Lieut. Jones, Capt, Patterson be¬ 
stows the highest applause : and most deservedly 
too ; for considering the species of force he had 
under his command, and the immense superiority 
of the enemy, his gallantry is scarcely exceeded 
by any officer in our navy. 

It ought to be mentioned, whenever an opportu¬ 
nity occurs, as a fact which entitles the commanders 
of the land and naval forces of the Republic, to in¬ 
finite credit, that in every instance, excepting one, 
where they could act in conjunction in conquering 
the enemy, the utmost harmony prevailed. Gen 
Harrison and Capt. Perry—Gen. Macomb and 
Capt. Macdonough—Gen. Jackson and Capt. Pat¬ 
terson, went hand in hand to victory. Although 
in the last instance, the captain was compelled to 
leave his chosen element, with his gallant crews, 
he joined the army, and aided in the Anal victory. 

The various passes at the mouth of the Missis¬ 
sippi were guarded in the best possible manner, by 


204 


MEMOIRS Oi 


different forts ; and considering the short time al¬ 
lowed to construct them, and the few men only, 
who could be spared to garrison them, their defen¬ 
ces entitle the garrisons to the highest applause. 
Maj. Overton, at Fort St. Philips, determining, 
never to surrender, actually nailed the American 
flag to his standard, and resolved that it should 
triumphantly wave over that of Britain, as long as 
a living man remained in the fort to defend it. 
The troops at the mouths of the river, were as 
much inspired with fortitude by the addresses and 
examples of Gen. Jackson, as those under his im¬ 
mediate command. Having these forts, as well as 
the current of the Mississippi to oppose, the British 
admiral was prevented from bringing any of his 
larger vessels, to co-operate with the land forces, 
in their various attacks upon the American lines. 
Had he been enabled to effect this, it is difficult 
to conceive how the city could have been saved. 

Upon the 24th, Gen. Jackson took his final po¬ 
sition. It extended in a direct line from the east 
bank of the Mississippi, into the edge of the Cy¬ 
press Srcamp , a distance exceeding a mile. For 
the whole distance, the troops almost incessantly 
laboured, and with a vigour worthy of the cause 
that called forth their laborious exertions, in throw¬ 
ing up a strong breast work, under the protection 
of which they were to be intrenched. From the 
bank of the river to the edge of the Cypress Swamp-, 
a distance of very near a mile, the country was 


ANDREW JACKSON. 
^ _ 


205 

a perfect plain. The small force under Gen. Jack 
son, were in full view of the vastly superiour force 
in the British camp. Although they had received 
a check in the brilliant affair of the 23d, it would 
seem to he the result of infatuation itself, that they 
remained unmoved spectators of the measures of 
defence, the American commander was taking, 
which, if prosecuted to completion, would render 
them hopeless of success. It is hazardous judg¬ 
ing from appearance, without a knowledge of mo¬ 
tives ; but the conduct of the British army, at this 
time, w ould seem to justify the application to them, 
of a position maintained for ages—“ Qnem Deus 
perderc vult , prius dementat ”—(whom God wills 
to destroy, he first makes mad.) 

Adjoining the river, and in advance of the main 
work, a redoubt was formed to protect the right 
w T ing of the army, upon which were mounted a 
number of pieces of heavy artillery. Through the 
whole line were mounted, at proper distances, can¬ 
non from six to thirty-two pounders. The breast¬ 
work was extended from 450 to 500 yards into the 
sw 7 amp, to prevent the enemy from turning the left 
wing of the army. This part of the intrenchment, 
was constructed with extreme difficulty, and with 
excessive fatigue ; being erected in a morass, almost 
impassable from the depth of the mud and water. 
It was wisely supposed that the British commander 
would conclude that the American intrenchment, 
eached only to the edge of the swamp ; and that 

18 


MEMOIRS OF 


*0t> 

he would endeavour to force a passage through it, 
and gain the rear of the American army. At the 
-immediate edge of the swamp, an angular indent 
was made in the intrenchment, upon which heavy 
pieces of artillery were placed so as to rake the 
enemy in the swamp, from one side of it, and in the 
©pen field, from the other. Every hour’s labour 
increased the strength of the intrenchment, and 
every event that transpired, augmented the confi¬ 
dence of the troops. Notwithstanding the rapidly 
increasing security of his small, and to a very con¬ 
siderable amount, unarmed troops, Gen. Jackson 
endeavoured to provide against every event, that 
could endanger their safety, or that of the city. 
Admitting the possibility that the British army, 
from their great superiority in numbers, and from 
the numerous pieces of heavy ordnance they were 
constantly transporting in barges, from their ship¬ 
ping to their encampment, might force his lines, 
he dispatched the whole of his unarmed men two 
miles in his rear, to erect another breast w r ork, as a 
rallying point, at no great distance from the city. 
In this way, he furnished constant employ for all 
his men, prevented their despondency, and arous¬ 
ed their courage. 

Gen. Jackson was aware that the enemy’s main 
army had not yet, (Dec. 24,) landed, and wholly 
uncertain where they would make a descent, lie 
took the same measures to fortify the country on 
the west, or right bank of the river, as he had 


ANDREW JACKSOX* 


207 

upon the east, or left bank. An intrenchment was 
there thrown up from the bank of the river, extend¬ 
ing west to a swamp, which approaches nearer to 
the river than that upon the east side. Gov. Clai ¬ 
borne and the Louisiana militia, being more per¬ 
fectly acquainted with the country, were stationed 
on the right bank of the river. The gallant Capt. 
Patterson and his crew had erected a battery 
near the bank of the river, and to the main in¬ 
trenchment. This intrenchment was about three 
quarters of a mile below that on the left bank 
and being supported by Patterson’s battery and his 
crew, whose skill in gunnery was evinced in the 
battle of the 23d, it was supposed as capable of 
sustaining and repelling an assault, as that on the 
left. The command of the right bank of the river, 
was entrusted to Gen. Morgan, and a force placed 
under his command sufficient to render it as secure 
as the left. 

The description of the situation of the American 
forces after the 23d, and the measures then resorted 
to for future safety, may be deemed too minute ; 
but it will shortly be shewn that more than two 
thirds of the loss sustained by the Republican army 
in all the severe engagements before New-Orleans, 
was suffered in that engagement in the open field. 
Had Gen. Jackson, like a rash commander, led 
his few undisciplined, and badly armed forces, 
to field fight , against the immensely superiour 
force of Sir Edward Pakenham,. furnished with 


MEMOIRS OF 


208 

every material and munition of war, it is almost a 
certainty, that he and his army, would have been 
prostrated upon the same plain where that gallant 
general, and so many of his veteran troops w r ere 
mingled with the dust. The great and good Gen, 
Jackson, knew that the men he commanded, were 
not mercenary troops, hired by a sanguinary mon¬ 
arch, to fight and to die at the pleasure of an am¬ 
bitious commander.. His army, though small, con¬ 
tained the best blood in the adjoining states. 
Fathers were there, exposing their lives for their 
families, and sons were there fighting for their 
fathers. To return them home to a country de¬ 
fended by their valour, and to restore them to 
blessings secured by their toils, was far more 
grateful to his heart, than laurels obtained by their 
blood, to decorate his brows. 

From the 24th to the 28th, the two armies re¬ 
mained in the position each had taken. Excepting 
the destruction of the schooner Caroline, and oc¬ 
casional skirmishing, nothing was heard but “ dread¬ 
ful notes of preparation.” Having blown up this 
vessel, which committed such ravages among their 
troops upon the 23d, and having been reinforced*. 
Sir Edward Pakenham, in person, attacked the 
American lines upon the 28th. The commander 
thus describes this engagement, in his report to the- 
Secretary of War, 

V 


ANDREW JACKSON, 


209 


GEN. JACKSON TO HON. JAMES MONROE. 

Head-Quarters, 7th military distiict, 
Camp below Neiv-Orlcuns } 29th Dec. 1814. 

Sir—The enemy succeeded on the 27th, in blow¬ 
ing up the Caroline, (she being becalmed) by means 
of hot shot from a land battery which he had erect¬ 
ed in the night. Emboldened by this event, he 
marched his whole force the next day, up the level, 
in the hope of driving us from our position, and 
with this view, opened upon us, at the distance of 
about half a mile, his bombs and rockets. He was 
repulsed, however, with considerable loss—-not; 
less, it is believed, than 120 in killed. Oar’s was 
inconsiderable—not exceeding half a dozen in 
killed, and a dozen wounded. 

Since then he has not ventured to repeat his at¬ 
tempt, though lying close together. There has- 
been frequent skirmishing between our piquets. 

I lament that I have not the means of carrying 
on more offensive operations*. The Kentucky 
troops have, not arrived, and my effective force af 
this point, does exceed 3000. Their's must pe¬ 
at least double—both prisoners and deserters 
agreeing in the stater; ’.hat 7000 landed from 
-heir boat?/ 

ANDREW JACKSON. 


In this brief account, it in mentioned that rockets 
laid bombs were sent from the British army into the 
American lines. Bombs have long been known 

13* 


210 


MEMOIRS O* 


to our countrymen ; and although they sometimes 
occasion accidents, they never excite terror. 
Rockets are of recent invention ; and the glory of 
having invented them is forever secured by royal 
favour, to an English statesman by the name of 
Congreve. They are called “ Congreve rockets 
and as long as Englishmen are permitted to spread 
havock and devastation through the world, the 
name of the humane inventor will sound and shine 
through it. Monsieur Guillotin is entitled to the 
same kind of glory for having invented an implement 
of death, which bears his name, and to which 
he fell a victim himself. Mr. Congreve may die a 
natural death. Gen. Jackson’s intrenchment had 
already acquired too much strength, and his “ ram¬ 
part of high-minded and brave men,” too much 
confidence to be affected with any thing but solid 
iron or lead. 

Sir Edward found in this, his first essay, in the 
western world, that he had to contend with oth¬ 
er soldiers than those of despots, who detest the 
power they fight for. He had to contend with Re¬ 
publican Freemen, each of whom had sacred rights 
to defend ; and who were ready to sacrifice their 
lives, in defence of their beloved Republic. 

From the 28th to the 1st January, the enemy 
were incessantly engaged in strengthening their 
force by transporting heavy pieces of artillery from 
their shipping to their lines. The Americans were 
:io less industriously engaged in preparing to de 


ANDREW JACKSON# 


21 I 


fend their’s against the most furious onset that 
could be made. 

Upon the 1st of January, the enemy pushed for¬ 
ward the whole of their heavy artillery, and at the 
same time, with bombs and rockets, commenced an 
attack upon the whole line, from the Mississippi to 
the Cypress Swamp. They were immediately an¬ 
swered by the heavy messengers of death that were 
planted upon the extensive mtrenchment, and by 
the rifles and muskets that were wielded by the 
troops who were secured behind it. The battle 
raged until the approach of darkness induced the 
British assailants, to retire to their lines for safety. 
The enemy were repulsed with great loss ; but 
having carried their dead and wounded from the 
held, the number could not be ascertained. The 
loss of the Americans was—killed 11—wounded 23 
—Total 34. 

Convinced that an attack in line, could not be 
made with any hopes of success, they next attempt¬ 
ed to turn the left wing of the army, by means of a 
battery they had erected in the night season, and 
•n a foggy morning, in the edge of the Swamp. Con- 
ddent of accomplishing this object—as the sun ap¬ 
peared through the fog, to their utter astonishment 
and consternation, they found the American in- 
trenchment completed 300 yards beyond their bat* 
tery in the Swamp, and the gallant Gen. Coffee and 
his Tennessee Volunteers ready to repel them. 
Their battery was destroyed—many lives were lost. 


MEMOIRS OF 


and the assailants precipitately retreated to their 
camp. 

By these repeated attempts, and as often unsuc¬ 
cessful ones, the British commander was experi¬ 
mentally convinced, that some mode yet unassay¬ 
ed, must he adopted to gain a victory which his 
countrymen expected, and even Americans feared, 
he would obtain. No British commander-in-chief, 
since the capture of Lord Cornwallis and his ar¬ 
my, by Washington, which terminated the war of 
the Revolution, had a duty of more peril and im¬ 
portance to perform, than had Sir Edward Paken- 
bam, before New-Orleans. Had he gained a victo¬ 
ry over Gen. Jackson, as Wellington did over Napo- 
ceon, he would as well haCe been entitled to a 
dukedom. He resolved not to despair, but to make 
another desperate effort, to acquire equal glory in 
die western, as Arthur Wellesiev has in the eastern 
world. 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


lis 


% \ 

CHAPTER XV. 

Gen. Jackson’s, and Sir Edward Pakenharo’s armies from the 
ls(, to the bth January—Gen. Morgan’s lines—Battle of the 
8th January—Gen- Jackson’s report of it—Gen. Morgan’s 
retreat—Gen. Jackson’s Address to the armies—he regains 
the i iirlit bank of the Mississippi—Bombardment, and aUack 
upon Fort St. Philips— Maj. Overton’s report to Gen. Jack- 
son. 

THE rival armies-—the one under the standard 
of the Eagle, the other under that of the Lion, for 
a short period gazed at each other in silent majesty. 
The armies ofthe Prince Regent, having met with 
nothing but disasters, during the wdiole campaign 
of 1814, had concentrated their forces with the 
navy, before New-Orleans, with a determination 
to wipe off the disgrace they had incurred, by a 
series of almost uninterrupted defeats. The histo<- 
ry of some of their achievements thus far, has neces¬ 
sarily been blended with the Memoirs of Gen. Jack- 
son. From no army sent to America, since the 
commencement of the war of the revolution, to 
this period, had sanguinary Englishmen expected 
so much, as from this. One of the first officers 
Tinder Wellington, Sir Edw’ard Pakenham, was se¬ 
lected as its commander. Major-generals Keane, 
Gibbs, and Lambert, w r ere generals of divisions. 
Most of the troops were those wffio had followed 
them, in their victorious career through the Pyreu- 
oees, into the heart of France, and who had assist- 


AIL MCI ns OF 


214 

ed in gaining victories over the rirst Marshals in Eu¬ 
rope. In these considerations, may be found the 
reasons for the desperation, not to say infatuation, 
of the British officers, after they landed in Louisia¬ 
na. They seemed to have adopted the sentiment of 
Napoleon, in the days of his glory, that “troops who 
had always conquered, will continue to conquer.” 
Gen. Jackson, undismayed, and apparently un¬ 
concerned, instead of concealing himself in his 
head-quarters in the rear of his intrenchm'ent, was 
constantly with his officers and troops, encourag¬ 
ing them by his example, animating them by his 
presence, and arousing their patriotism by the 
most impassioned eloquence. Upon the 4th, the 
Kentucky militia arrived, under Gen. Thomas 
and Gen. Adair. They amounted to about twen¬ 
ty three hundred;, but they brought very 7 little 
with them, excepting hearts glowing with patriotic 
ardour. But little disciplined, and almost without 
arms, as the general remarked to the Secretary of 
War—“My forces, as to number had been encreased 
—my strength , had received but very little addi¬ 
tion.” The city of New-Orleans had been almost 
completely stripped of arms, to furnish the Louisiana 
militia, and the United States’ arms which were 
know to he in the Mississippi, by some unaccounta¬ 
ble neglect, had not yet arrived. The unarmed 
troops, however, were immediately placed in situa¬ 
tions to be the most serviceable in strengthening 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


i 


216 

the main intrenchment, and forwarding the one tvvc 
miles in the rear. 

The reader is referred to the description of the „ 
American intrenchineiits on each side of the Mis¬ 
sissippi, in the preceding chapter. Gen. Jackson, 
had so divided his forces, as to render the one as 
secure as the other. The British commander, re¬ 
solved, as appeared from an order found in the pock¬ 
et of a slain British officer, and by his subsequent 
measures, to attack both lines simultaneously. 
This was anticipated by Gen. Jackson, and mea¬ 
sures were taken accordingly. Gen. Morgan, on 
the right bank of the river, was aided by the con¬ 
summate skill and courage of Capt. Patterson, 
whose battery was so situated as to protect his lines, 
and annoy the enemy in the most effectual manner. 
A detachment of choice Kentucky troops was also 
passed over the river, to give him additional 
strength. Gen. Jackson’s forces were thus station¬ 
ed—The regular troops in the redoubt, and on the 
right next to the river—Gen. Carroll's Tennessee 
militia, and Gen. Adair’s Kentucky militia, in the 
centre—and Gen. Coffee's brigade upon the left, 
which penetrated some distance into the Cypress 
Swamp. 

The British army had been reinforced by the 
landing of Maj. Gen. Lambert’s division. It has 
been ascertained to be an undoubted fact, that from 
the time the British commenced the landing of 
troops below New Orleans, the full amount of 14,000 
men, had been placed under the command of 


216 


MEMOIRS OP 


Sir Edward Pakenham. It is impossible to deter 
mine how many had been lost in the several en¬ 
gagements, from the 23d December, to the 8th 
January, or how many, upon that day, were upon 
the sick list. It would not however, be deemed 
improbable, to conclude that frCm 10 to 12,000, 
.were engaged, about double the effective force of 
Gen. Jackson. 

Early upon the morning of the 8th January, 1815. 
a day which will forever be memorable in Ame¬ 
rican and British annals, a tremendous “ shower of 
bombs and Congreve rockets,” from the British 
army, announced the battle begun. The result 
will be found in the following reports, of the 
American Conqueror. 

'GEN. JACKSON TO HON. JAMES MONROE. 

Camp 4 mile? below New Orleans , 9th January, 1815. 

Sir—-During the days of the 6th and 7th, the ene¬ 
my had been actively employed in making prepara¬ 
tions for an attack on my lines. With infinite la¬ 
bour, they had succeeded on the night of the 7th, 
in getting their boats across from the lake to 
the river, by widening and deepening tlie canal on 
which they had effected their disembarkation. It 
had not been in my power to impede these opera- 
lions by a general attack : added to other reasons, 
the nature of the troops under my command, mostly 
militia, rendered it too hazardous to attempt exten- 
•J\ e offensive movements in an open country, against 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


217 


a numerous and well disciplined army. Although 
my forces, as to number, had been increased by the 
arrival of the Kentucky division, my strength had 
received very little addition ; a small portion only 
of that detachment being provided with arms. 
Compelled thus to wait the attack of the enemy, I 
took every measure to repel it, when it should be 
made, and to defeat the object he had in view. 
Gen. Morgan, with the New-Orleans contingent 
the Louisiana militia, and a strong detachment of 
the Kentucky troops, occupied an intrenched camp 
on the opposite side of the river, protected by 
strong batteries on the bank, erected and superin¬ 
tended by Com. Patterson. 

In my encampment, every thing was ready for 
action, when, early on the morning of the 8th, the 
enemy, after throwing a heavy shower of bombs and 
Congreve rockets, advanced their columns on my 
right and left, to storm my intrenchments. I can¬ 
not speak sufficiently in praise of the firmness and 
deliberation, with which my whole line received 
their approach —more could not have been expect¬ 
ed from veterans inured to war. For an hour, the 
fire of the small arms was as incessant and severe as 
can be imagined. The artillery, too, directed by 
officers who displayed equal skill and courage, did 
great execution. Yet the columns of the enemy 
continued to advance, with a firmness which re¬ 
flects upon them the greatest credit. Twice, the 
column which approached me on my left, was re- 

19 




MEMOIRS OK 


pulsed by the troops of Gen. Carroll, those of Gen. 
Coffee, and a division of the Kentucky militia, and 
twice they formed again and renewed the assault. 
At length however, cut to pieces, they fled in con¬ 
fusion from the field, leaving it covered with their 
dead and wounded. The loss which the enemy 
sustained on this occasion, cannot be estimated at 
less than 1500 in killed, wounded, and prisoners. 
Upwards of three hundred have already been de¬ 
livered over for burial ; and my men are still en¬ 
gaged in picking them up within my lines, and car¬ 
rying them to the point where the enemy are to 
receive them. This is in addition to the dead and 
wounded, whom the enemy have been enabled to 

j 

carry from the field, during, and since the action, 
and to those who have since died of the wounds 
they received. We have taken about 500 prison¬ 
ers, upwards of 300 of whom are wounded, and a 
great part of them mortally. My loss has not ex¬ 
ceeded, and I believe has not amounted to, ten kil¬ 
led, and as many wounded. The entire destruction 
of the enemy’s army was now inevitable, had it not 
been for an unfortunate occurrence, which at this 
moment took place on the other side of the river. 
Simultaneously with his advance upon my lines, he 
had thrown over in his boats, a considerable force 
to the other side of the river. These having landed 
were hardy enough to advance against the works 
of Gen. Morgan ! and what is strange and difficult 
to account for, at the very moment when their en- 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


219 


lire discomfiture was looked for with a confidence 
approaching to certainty, the Kentucky reinforce¬ 
ments, ingloriously fled, drawing after them, by 
their example, the remainder of the forces ; and 
thus yielding to the enemy that most fortunate po¬ 
sition. The batteries which had rendered me, 
for many days the most important service, though 
bravely defended, were of course now abandoned ; 
not however, until the guns had been spiked. 

This unfortunate route, had totally changed the 
aspect of affairs. The enemy now occupied a 
position from which they might annoy us without 
hazard, and by means of which they might have 
been enabled to defeat, in a great measure, the 
effects of our success on this side of the river. It 
became therefore, an object of the first consequence 
to dislodge him as soon as possible. For this 
object, all the means in my power, which I could 
with any safety use, were immediately put in pre¬ 
paration. Perhaps, however, it was somewhat 
owing to another cause, that I succeeded, beyond 
my expectations. In negociating the terms of a 
temporary suspension of hostilities, to enable the 
enemy to bury their dead, and provide for their 
wounded, I had required certain propositions to be 
acceded to as a basis ; among which this was one— 
that although hostilities should cease on this side 
the river until 12 o’clock of this day, yet it was not 
to be understood, that they should cease on the 
other side ; but that no reinforcements should be 


22© 


MEMOIRS OF 


sent across by either army, until the expiration of 
that day. His excellency Maj. Gen. Lambert, 
begged time to consider af those propositions until 
10 o’clock of to-day, and in the mean time re-cross¬ 
ed his troops. 1 need not tell you with how much 
eagerness I immediately regained possession of the 
position he had thus hastily quitted. 

The enemy having concentrated his forces, may 
again attempt to drive me from my position, by 
storm. Whenever he does , I have no doubt my 
men will act with their usual firmness, and sustain 
a character now become dear to them. 

I have the honour, &c. 

ANDREW JACKSON. 

It will be noticed in this account, that Gen. Jack- 
son, while he bestows the most unqualified appro¬ 
bation upon his own brave troops , does not omit to 
declare, that the “columns of the enemy continued 
to advance with a firmness which reflects upon 
them the highest credit.” A brave man is always 
generous to a brave foe ; and although a fallen one, 
withholds from him no credit that is justly hi3 due. 
The general estimates the loss of the enemy, at 
scarcely half what it really was ; for although the 
Inspector-general Haynes, makes it 2,600, subse¬ 
quent acknowledgments from British prisoners, 
make it exceed 3000. 

The agitation felt by the general, at the loss of 
the important post, on the right bank of the rirer 3 


ANDREW JACKSON- 221 

under Gen. Morgan, is clearly discoverable in the 
language he uses ; and it has been said that he 
was too severe in saying, “ The Kentucky rein¬ 
forcements ingloriously fled.” He immediately 
delivered to them the following elegant address, in 
which he gives them the fullest credit, for courage, 
except in this instance. 

“ While, by the blessing of heaven, one of the 
most brilliant victories was obtained by the troops 
under iny immediate command, no words can ex¬ 
press the mortification I felt, at witnessing the 
scene exhibited on the opposite bank. I will spare 
your feelings and my own, nor enter into a detail 
on the subject. To all who reflect, it must be a 
source of eternal regret, that a few moments’ ex¬ 
ertion of that courage you certainly possess, was 
alone wanting to have rendered your success more 
complete, than that of your fellow citizens in this 
camp. To what cause was the abandonment of 
your lines owing? To fear ? no! You are the 
countrymen, the friend, the brothers of those who 
have secured to themselves, by their courage , the 
gratitude of their country ; who have been prodi¬ 
gal of blood in its defence, and who are strangers 
to any other fear than disgrace—to disaffection to 
our glorious cause. No, my countrymen, your gen¬ 
eral does justice to the pure sentiments by which 
you are inspired. How then could brave men , 
firm in the cause in which they were enrolled, neg¬ 
lect their first duty, and abandon the post commit 

19 * 


MEMOIRS O* 


009 

♦> <«> Am 

ted to the ir care ? The want of discipline, the want 
of order, the total disregard to obedience, and a spi¬ 
rit of insubordination, not less destructive than cow¬ 
ardice itself, are the causes which led to this dis¬ 
aster, and they must be eradicated, or I must cease 
to command. 1 desire to be distinctly understood, 
that every breach of orders, all want of discipline* 
every inattention of duty, will be seriously and 
promptly punished ; that the attentive officers, and 
good soldiers, may not be mentioned in the dis¬ 
grace and danger, "which the negligence of a few 
may produce. Soldiers ! you want only the will, 
in order to emulate the glory of your fellow citizens 
on this bank of the river—You have the same mo¬ 
tives for action—the same interest—the same coun¬ 
try to protect : and you have an additional interest, 
from past events, to wipe off reproach, and show 
that youTvill not be inferiour, in the day of trial, to 
any of your countrymen. 

But remember, without obedience, without order, 
without discipline, all your efforts are vain. The 
brave man , inattentive to his duty, is worth little 
more to his country, than the coward who deserts 
her in the hour of danger. 

Private opinions, as to the competency of officers, 
must not be indulged, and still less expressed. 
It is impossible that the measures of those who 
command, should satisfy all who are bound to 
obey ; and one of the most dangerous faults in a 
soldier, is a disposition to criticise and blame 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


223 

the orders and characters of his supenours. Sol¬ 
diers ! I know that many of you have done your 
duty ; and I trust in future, that I shall have no 
reason to make any exception. Officers ! I have 
the fullest confidence that you will enforce obedi¬ 
ence to your commands ; but above all, that by 
subordination in your different grades, you will set 
an example to your men ; and that hereafter, the 
army of the right will yield to none, in the essential 
qualities which characterize good soldiers—that 
they will earn their share of those honours and 
rewards, which their country will prepare for its 
deliverers ” 

Gen. Jackson, took immediate measures to re¬ 
gain by force , the important post on the right 
bank of the Mississippi ; but ever anxious to spare 
the effusion of human blood, he obtained it by ne¬ 
gotiation , as mentioned in his letter to the Secretary 
of War. The relinquishment of this post, seems to 
be the result of that infatuation which evinced 
itself in every measure of the British commanders, 
after they landed in Louisiana. Had they aban¬ 
doned the east side of the river, and concentrated 
their forces upon the west, with the immense quan¬ 
tity of heavy artillery in their possession, they would 
have had the exclusive command of the country to 
New Orleans ; and what could then have saved 
the city, must be left to conjecture. Hence the 
solicitude of Gen. Jackson, to regain it ; hence 
too, his excessive mortification at its temporary loss. 


224 


MEMOIRS OF 


Notwithstanding the unparalleled victory obtain¬ 
ed, it appears from the following letter, that the 
general acted as if the enemy were preparing “ to 
make a still mightier effort to attain his first object 

GEN. JACKSON TO HON. JAMES MONROE. 

Head Quarters, Camp 4 miles below 
New Orleans , Jan. 13th, 1815. 

Sir—At such a crisis, I conceive it my duty, to 
keep you constantly advised of my situation. 

On the 10th instant, I forwarded you an account 
of the bold attempt made by the enemy, on the 
morning of the 8th, to take possession of my works 
by storm, and of the severe repulse which he met 
with. That report having been sent by the mail 
which crosses the lake, may possibly have miscar¬ 
ried ; for which reason, I think it the more neces¬ 
sary, briefly to repeat the substance of it. 

♦ 

Early on the morning of the 8th, the enemy hav¬ 
ing been actively employed the two preceding days, 
in making preparations for a storm, advanced in 
two strong columns on my right aud left. They 
were received however with a firmness which it 
seems they little expected, and which defeated all 
their hopes. My men, undisturbed by their ap¬ 
proach, which indeed they long anxiously wished 
for, opened upon them a fire, so deliberate and cer¬ 
tain, as rendered their scaling ladders and fascines, 
as well as their more direct implements of warfare, 
perfectly useless. For upwards of an hour it was 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


continued with a briskness of which there have 
been but few instances, perhaps, in any country. 
Injustice to the enemy, it must be said, they with¬ 
stood it as long as could be expected, from the 
most determined bravery. At length, however, 
when all prospect of success became hopeless, they 
fled in confusion from the field, leaving it covered 
with their dead and wounded. Their loss was 
immense. I had at first computed it at 1500; but 
it is since ascertained to have been much greater. 
Upon information, which is believed to be correct, 
Col. Haynes, the Inspector-general, reports it to 
be in total 2600. His report I enclose you. My 
loss was inconsiderable, being only 7* killed, and 
6 wounded. Such a disproportion in loss, when 
we consider the number and the kind of troops en¬ 
gaged, must, I know, excite astonishment, and may 

not every where be fully credited ; yet I am per- 

\ 

fectly satisfied that the account is not exaggerated 
on the one part, nor underrated on the other. 

The enemy having hastily quitted a post, which 
they had gained possession of, on the other side of 
the river, and we, having immediately returned to 
it, both armies at present, occupy their former po¬ 
sitions. Whether, after the severe losses he has 
sustained, he is preparing to return to his shipping, 
or to make still mightier efforts to attain his first 
object, I do not pretend to determine. It becomes 

* This was tn the action on the line—afterwards a skirmish* 
ing was kept up, in which a few more of our men were lost. 


226 


MEMOIRS OF 


me to act as though the latter were his intention- 
One thing however, seems certain, that if he still 
calculates on effecting what he has hitherto been 
unable to uccomplish, he must expect considerable 
reinforcements ; as the force with which he land* 
ed must be undoubtedly diminished, by at least 
3000. Besides the loss which he sustained, on 
the night of the 23d ult. which is estimated at 
400, he cannot have suffered less between that 
period, and the morning of the 8th inst. than 3000— 
having within that time, been repulsed in two 
general attempts to drive us from our position, and 
there having been continual cannonading and skir¬ 
mishing, during the whole of it. Yet he is still 
able to shew a very formidable force. 

There is no doubt that the commanding general, 
Sir Edward Pakenham, was killed, in the action of 
the 8th, and that Major-generals Keane, and Gibbs, 
were badly wounded, 

Whenever a more leisure moment shall occur, 
I will take the liberty to make and forward you 
a more circumstantial account, of the several ac¬ 
tions, and particularly that of the 8th, in doing 
which, my chief motive will be to render justice to 
those brave men I have the honour to command, 
and who have so remarkably distinguished them¬ 
selves. 

I have the honour, &c. 

ANDREW JACKSON. 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


227 


The rival armies upon the 9th, were restored to 
their former positions ; and both were ignorant of 
the intentions of each other. Sir Edward Paken- 

m 

ham being slain, and Generals Keane and Gibbs, 
being, the one mortally, and the other severely 
wounded, were compelled, the one to languish and 
die, the other to languish and barely survive. 
The command devolved upon Maj. Gen. Lambert. > 
The deep penetration of Gen. Jackson, might 
well lead him to suppose that Gen. Lambert, and 
Col. Thornton, (who had once conquered on the 
right bank ofthe river) would unite their “mightier 
efforts,” to conquer on the east. Ever vigilant, 
and never remiss, he relaxed not in the least from 
his former energy. The plains of Capua , after 
a victory, and the luxurious indulgence of the fruits 
of conquest upon them, proved to be the destruc¬ 
tion of Hannibal and his army. Gen. Jackson 
was resolved, that the banks of the Mississippi 
should not prove so to him, and his patriotic 
companions. 

While every exertion was made to prepare for 
another attack, the distant thunder of cannon, an¬ 
nounced to the armies, the operations of the pow¬ 
erful British naval force at the mouth of the Mis¬ 
sissippi. From the official report of Maj. Overton, 
to Gen. Jackson, it ma}^ be concluded that Admiral 
Cochrane, and Sir Edward Pakenham, had agreed 
to commence final operations at the same time^— 
the one to capture New-Orleans, the other to des 


MEMOIRS OF 


228 

troy the American forts at the mouth of the river. 
Upon the memorable 8th January, a squadron of the 

British naval force appeared before Fort St. Philips. 

% 

Gen. Jackson, thus writes to the Secretary at 
War—“ I have the honour to enclose you Major 
Overton’s report, of the attack of Fort St. Philips, 
and of the manner in which it was defended. 
The conduct of that officer, and of those who 
acted under him, merits, I think, great praise. 
They nailed their own colours to the standard, and 
placed those of the enemy underneath them, deter¬ 
mined never to surrender the fort.” The following 
is the report alluded to by the general. 

MAJ. W. H. OVERTON TO GEN. JACKSON. 

Fort St. Philips , January 19, 1815. 

Sir—On the first of the present month, I receiv¬ 
ed the information, that the enemy intended pas¬ 
sing this fort, to co-operate with their land forces, 
in the subjugation of Louisiana, and the destruction 
of New Orleans, To effect this with more facility, 
they were first, with their heavy bomb-vessels, to 
bombard this place into compliance. On the 
grounds of this information, I turned my attention 
to the security of my command. I erected small 
magazines in different parts of the garrison, that 
if one blew up, I could resort to another ; built 
covers for my men, to secure them from the explo¬ 
sion of the shells, and removed the combustible 
matter without the work. Early in the day of 
the 8th inst. I was advised of their approach, and 


ANDREW JACKSON, 


220 

3ii the 9th, at a quarter past 10, A. M. hove in sight 
two bombs vessels, one slooip, one brig, and one 
schooner ; they anchored two and one quarter miles 
below—at half past eleven, and at half past twelve, 
they advanced two barges, apparently for the pur¬ 
pose of sounding within one and a half miles of 
the fort. At this moment, I ordered my water 
battery, under the command of Lieut Cunning 
ham of the navy, ;to open upon them : its well di- 
rected shot, caused a precipitate retreat. At hall 
past three o’clock P. M. the enemy’s bomb vessels 
opened their fire, from four sea-mortars, two of 
thirteen inches, two of ten, and to my great morti¬ 
fication, I found they were without the effective 
range of my shot, as many subsequent experiments 
proved. They continued their fire, with little in¬ 
termission, during the 10th, 11th, 12th, 13th, 14th, 
15th, 16th, and 17th. I occasionally opened my bat¬ 
teries on them with great vivacity, particularly when 
they’showed a disposition to change their position. 

On the 17th, in the evening, our heavy mortar 
was said to he in readiness I ordered that excel¬ 
lent officer, Capt. Wolstoncroft, of the artillerists, 
who previously had charge of it, to open a nre, 
which was done with great effect, as the enemy 
from that moment became disordered, and at day¬ 
light on the 13th, commenced their retreat, after 
Slaving thrown upwards of a thousand heavy shells, 
besides shells from howitzers, round shot and grape, 

20 


MEMOIRS OF 


which he discharged from boats, under cover of the. 
night. 

Our loss in this affair has been uncommonly small, 
owing entirely to the great pains that were taken by 
the different officers, to keep their men under cover; 
as the enemy left scarcely ten feet of this garrison 
untouched. 

The officers and soldiers through this whole af¬ 
fair, although nine days and nights under arms, in 
the different batteries, the consequent fatigue and 
loss of sleep, have manifested the greatest firmness 
and the most zealous warmth to beat the enemy. 
To distinguish individuals, would be a delicate task, 
ns merit was conspicuous everywhere. Lieut. Cun¬ 
ningham of the navy, who commanded my water bat-, 
eery, with his brave crew, evinced the most deter¬ 
mined bravery, and uncommon activity through¬ 
out ; in fact, Sir, the only thing to be regretted, is, 
that the enemy w as too timid to give us an opportu¬ 
nity of destroying him. 

1 herewith enclose you, a list of the killed and 
wounded. I am Sir, very respectfully, 

W. H. OVERTON. 

The loss of the Americans, from the official report, 
was killed 2—wmunded 7—Total 9.—Nothing but 
the immense importance of the post he commanded, 
can justify Maj. Overton in nailing his colours to his 
standard. Even the praise of Gen. Jackson, cannot 
wholly exculpate a commander for an act, which 
might have led to the sacrifice of his whole garrisoi. 
by a force, to contend with which, would have 
been desperation. 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


CHAPTER XVI. 

.■Situation of the armies after the battle of the fitli January— 
Melancholy and distressing scene—Operations at the mouth, 
of the Mississippi—Departure of the enemy—Gen. Jack- 
son’s address to the American troops—Disparity in the loss 
of the two armies. 

ALTHOUGH the American army under Gen. 
Jacksoh, and the British army under Gen. Lambert., 
remained in full view of each other, from the 9th, 
to the 18tb, no hostile military operations took place 
between them, during that time. The first were 
preparing for a renewed attack, enjoying the re¬ 
pose their valour had rendered secure, and which 
many days of excessively hard labour, and a num¬ 
ber of severe fighting, rendered peculiarly neces¬ 
sary. The last were employed in discharging the 
most melancholy duties cf the camp. The sol¬ 
diers were engaged in depositing in the bosom of 
the earth, their slain comrades, who had for many 
days previous, fought by their sides upon its sur¬ 
face, and assuaging the distresses of the wound¬ 
ed who yet survived. Humanity must weep over 
such a scene ; and in the death and anguish of 
the gallant, and comparatively innocent soldiers of 
England, for a season forget the wicked cause in 
which they fell—the cause of tyranny against free¬ 
dom. Even the patriotic soldiers of our beloved 
Republic, in beholding the banks of the majestic. 
Mississippi, converted into an outspread sepulchre 


MEMOIRS OF 


232 

for veteran foemen, who had one common origin 
with themselves, must have dropped a manly tear. 
But how soon will reflection compel them to pour 
forth the most indignant imprecations against the 
British Government, whose systematic injustice 
first occasioned the war. and against the British 
officers, whose Vandalism and barbarity, even char¬ 
ity itself can never forgive. It must crimson with 
x blush every Englishman, who reads the history 
of the nineteenth century, when he finds it re¬ 
corded, that an officer, the pride of England, con¬ 
fident of capturing one of the finest cities in Amen- 
ca, gave as a countersign , upon the day his army 
was to enter it—“ Booty, and Beauty ! !” The 
hard earnings of patient industry, were to be rav¬ 
ished from the defenceless citizens, and their wives 
and daughters to be subjected to the diabolical lust 
of a full-gorged soldiery. The innocent and ac¬ 
complished females of New Orleans, who had spent 
days of labour, and nights of watchfulness, in alle¬ 
viating the toils of their valiant countrymen, while 
stationed under the banners of the Republic, were 
to suffer more than ten thousand deaths could in¬ 
flict, before the very eyes of those who had blessed 
them for their bounty, but who could no longer 
extend to them protection. Well may the English 
reader exclaim with an ancient poet—“ Quis tcm- 
peret a lachrymis , talia fando (who can refrain 
from tears in relating such deeds ;) and well may 


ANDREW' JACKSON. 


the patriotic sons of Columbia, when thinking o r 
their implacable enemy, resolve to be, 

‘ £ Fire to fire, flint to flint, and to outface 
“ The brow of bragging horror.’’ 

It would seem that Gen. Lambert, had determin¬ 
ed to maintain his position upon the Mississippi, 
until he learned the result cf the naval operations 
at its mouth. Upon the 17th, Capt. Wolstoncroft, 
of the artillerists, having taken a position which 
brought the British shipping within the range 
of his mortar, immediately threw them into disor¬ 
der, and compelled them to retire. Upon the 18th, 
Gen. Lambert, having had time to receive this 
discouraging intelligence, decamped in the nigh 1 
season, as appears from the following official com 
munication. 

GEN'. JACKSON, TO HON. JAMES MONROE. 

Camp below New Orleans , 19th Jan. 13iC 
Last night at 12 o'clock, the enemy precipitate 
ly decamped and returned to their boats, leaving 
behind him under medical attendance eighty oi 
his wounded, including two officers, 14 pieces oj 
his heavy artillery, and a quantity of shot, having 
destroyed.much of his powder. Such was the situa ¬ 
tion of the ground he abandoned, and of that 
through which he retired, protected by canals, re¬ 
doubts, intrenchmenb, and swamps on his right, 
and the river on his left, that I could not wifhotr 
''encountering a risk, which true policy did net seem 

op *• 


234 


MEMOIRS OF 


to require, or to authorize, attempt to annoy him 
much on his retreat. We took only eight prisoners. 

Whether, it is the purpose of the enemy to aban¬ 
don the expedition altogether, or renew his efforts 
at some other point, I do not pretend to determine 
with positiveness. In my own mind, however, 
.here is but little doubt, that his last exertions have 
been made in this quarter ; at any rate for the pre¬ 
sent season, and by the next, I nope we shall be ful¬ 
ly prepared for him. In this belief, 1 am strength¬ 
ened not only by the prodigious loss he has sus¬ 
tained at the position he has just quitted, but by 
he failure of his fleet to pass Fort St. Philips. 

His loss on the ground, since the debarkation of 
his troops, as stated by the last prisoners and deser¬ 
ters, and as confirmed by many additional circum¬ 
stances, must have exceeded four thousand ; and 
was greater in the action of the 8th, than was esti¬ 
mated, from the most correct data, then in his pos- 
session, by the inspector general, whose report has 
been forwarded to you. We succeeded, on the 3th , 
in getting from the enemy about 1000 stand of arms 
of various descriptions. 

x 

Since the action of the 8th, the enemy have been 
allowed very little respite—my artillery from both 
sides of the river, being constantly employed, till 
the night, and indeed until the hour of their retreat, 
in annoying them. No doubt they thought it quite 
time to quit a position in which so little rest could 
be found. 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


235 


I am advised by Maj. Overton, who commands at 
Fort St. Philips, in a letter of the 13th, that the 
enemy having bombarded his fort for 8 or 9 days, 
from 13 inch mortars, without effect, had, on the 
morning of that day, retired. 1 have little doubt 
that he would have been able to have sunk their 
vessels, had they attempted to run by. 

Giving the proper weight to all these considera¬ 
tions, I believe you will not think me too sanguine 
in the belief, that Louisiana , is now clear of its 
enemy. 1 hope, however, I need not assure you, 
that wherever I command , such a belief shall never 
occasion any relaxation in the measures for resist¬ 
ance. I am but too sensible, that the moment when 
the enemy is opposing us, is not the most proper 
to provide for them. 

I have the honour to be, &c. 

ANDREW JACKSON. 

P. S. On the 18th, our prisoners on shore were 
delivered us, an exchange having been previously 
agreed to. Those who are on board the fleet, will be 
delivered at Petit Coquille—after which, I shall 
still have in my hands an excess of several hundred. 

20th—Mr. Shields, purser in the navy, lias to¬ 
day taken 54 prisoners ; among them are four offi¬ 
cers. A. J. 

Thus ended the expedition of the British army, 
against the city of New-Orleans—thus ended the 
demonstration of the British naval force, against 


236 - 


memoirs OF 


the forts at the mouth of the Mississippi. The de¬ 
tail of events which took place in this interesting 
and important section of the Republic, have neces¬ 
sarily been blended with the Memoirs of Gen. 
Jackson. Indeed, they are identified with each 
other—he was the first motion of every movement. 

The deeply interesting scenes through which 
Gen. Jackson, his army, and the citizens of New- 
Orleans were called to pass, from the 16th Decem¬ 
ber, 181-1, to the 18th January, 1815, would furn¬ 
ish subjects for a volume far more extended than 
the 'ay/i.o/c of this little work. In a few pages I 
have endeavoured to present the reader with the 
prominent facts connected with these great events. 
That they were derived from sources indisputably 
accurate, I have the most confident assurance. A 
brief recapitulation would be attempted, were it not 
in my power to furnish the reader with the ele¬ 
gant and impressive address of Gen, Jackson to his 
troops upon the 21st January, which follows. 

Directed by Maj. Gen. Jackson, to be read at the head of 
each of the corns composing the line below New-Orleans, 
Jan. l 2l, -815.' 

ADDRESS. 

Citizens, and fellow soldiers ! The enemy has 
retreated, and your general has now leisure to pro¬ 
claim to the world what he has noticed with admi¬ 
ration and pride—your undaunted courage, your 
patriotism, and patience, under hardships and fa- 


ANDREW JACKSON'. 


C J37 


•Agues. Natives of different states, acting together 
for the first time in this camp ; differing in habits 
and in language, instead of viewing in these cir¬ 
cumstances, the germ of distrust and division, you 
have made them the source of an honourable emu¬ 
lation, and from the seeds of discord itself, have 
reaped the fruits of an honourable unl'on. This 
day completes the fourth week, since fifteen hun¬ 
dred of you attacked treble your number of men, 
who had boasted of their discipline and their servi¬ 
ces under a celebrated leader, in a long and 
eventful war—attacked them in their camp, the 
moment they had profaned the soil of freedom, with 
their hostile tread, and inflicted a blow which was 
a prelude to the final result of their attempt to con¬ 
quer, or their poor contrivances to divide us. A 
ffew hours was sufficient to unite the gallant band, 
though at the moment they received the welcome 
order to march, they were separated many leagues, 
in different directions from the city. The gay ra¬ 
pidity of the march, and the cheerful countenances 
of the officers and men, would have induced a belief 
that some festive entertainment, not the strife oi 
battle, was the scene to which they hastened with 
so much eargerness and hilarity. In the conflict 
that ensued, the same spirit was supported, and my 
communications, to the executive of the U. States, 
have testified the sense I entertained of the merits 
of the corps ami officers that were engaged. Rest¬ 
ing on the field of battle, they retired in perfect or- 


MEMOIRS OF 


1 JO 
» Oo 

der on the next morning to these lines, destined u 
become the scene of future victories, which they 
were to share with the rest of you, my brave com¬ 
panions in arms. Scarcely were your lines a pro¬ 
tection against musket shot, when on the 28th, a 
disposition was made to attack them with all the 
pomp and parade of military tactics, as improved 
by those veterans of the Spanish war. 

Their batteries of heavy cannon kept up an 
incessant fire ; their rockets illuminated the air ; 
and under their cover, two strong columns threat¬ 
ened oar flanks. The foe insolently thought that 
this spectacle was too imposing to be resisted, and 
in the intoxication of his pride, he already saw our 
lines abandoned without a contest—how were these 
menacing appearances met ? By shouts of defi¬ 
ance, by a manly countenance, not to be shaken 
by the roar of his cannon, or by the glare of his 
firework rockets ; by an artillery served with su- 
periour skill, and with deadly effect. Never, my 
brave friends, can your general forget the testimoni¬ 
als of attachment to our glorious cause, of indignant 
hatred to our foe, of affectionate confidence in your 
chief, that resounded from every rank, as he pass¬ 
ed along your line. This animating scene damped 
the courage of the enemy ; he dropped his scaling 
ladders and fascines, and the threatened attack 
dwindled into a demonstration , which served only 
to shew the emptiness of his parade, and to inspire 
you with a just confidence in yourselves. 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


239 


The new year was ushered in with the most tre¬ 
mendous fire his whole artillery could produce : a 
few hours only, however, were necessary for the 
brave and skilful men, who directed our own, to 
dismount his cannon, destroy his batteries, and ef¬ 
fectually silence his fire. Hitherto, my brave 
friends, in the contest cn our lines, your courage 
had been passive only ; you stood with calmness, a 
fire that 'would have tried the firmness of a veteran, 
and you anticipated a nearer contest with an eager¬ 
ness which was soon to be gratified. 

On the 8th of Jan. the final effort was made. At 
the dawn of day the batteries opened, and the co¬ 
lumns advanced. Knowing that the volunteers 
from Tennessee, and the militia from Kentucky, 
were stationed on your left, it was there they di¬ 
rected their chief attack. 

Reasoning always from false principles, they ex¬ 
pected little opposition from men, whose officers 
even were not in uniform, who were ignorant of the 
rules of dress, and who had never been caned into 
discipline. Fatal mistake ! a fire incessantly kept 
up, directed with a calmness and unerring airrr, 
strewed the field with the bravest officers and men, 
of the column which slowly advanced, according to 
the most approved rules of European tactics, and 
was cut down by the untutored courage of Amer i ¬ 
can militia. Unable to sustain this galling and 
unceasing fire, some hundreds nearest the intrench- 
ment called for quarter, which was granted— 


240 


MEMOIRS 0> 


the rest retreating, were rallied at some distance, 
but only to make them a surer mark for the grape 
and cannister shot of our artillery, which, without 
exaggeration, mowed down whole ranks at every 
discharge : and at length they precipitately retired 
from the field. 

Our right had only a short contest to sustain with 
a few rash men, who fatally for themselves, forced 
their entrance into the unfinished redoubt on the 
river. They were quickly dispossessed, and this 
glorious day terminated with the loss to the enemy, 
of their commander-in-chief and one major-general 
killed, another major-general wounded, the most 
experienced and bravest of their officers, and more 
than three thousand men killed, wounded and mis¬ 
sing, while our ranks, my friends, were thinned on¬ 
ly by the loss of seven of our brave companions kil¬ 
led and six disabled by wounds—wonderful interpo¬ 
sition of heaven ! unexampled event in the history 
of war ! 

Let us be grateful to the God of battles, who has 
directed the arrows of indignation against our in 
vaders, while he covered with his protecting shield 
the brave defenders of their country. 

After this unsuccessful and disastrous attempt, 
their spirits were broken, their force was destroy¬ 
ed, and their whole attention was employed in pro¬ 
viding the means Of escape. This they have effect 
ed ; leaving their heavy artillery in our power, 
and many of their wounded to our clemency. The 


A A D11E YV J A C Kb O A. 


c 241 


consequences of this short but decisive campaign, 
a*re incalculably important. The pride of our ar¬ 
rogant enemy humbled, his forces broken, his lea¬ 
ders killed, his insolent hopes of our disunion frus¬ 
trated—his expectation of rioting in our spoils and 
wasting our country, changed into ignominious de¬ 
feat, shameful flight, and a reluctant acknowledg¬ 
ment of the humanity and kindness of those, whom 
he had doomed to all the horrors and humiliation 
of a conquered state. 

On the other side, unanimity established, disaf¬ 
fection crushed, confidence restored, your country 
saved from conquest, your property from pillage, 
your wives and daughters from insult and violation 
—the union preserved from dismemberment, and 
perhaps, a period put by this decisive stroke, to 
a bloody and savage war. These, my brave friends, 
arc the consequences of the efforts you have made, 
and the success with which thev have been crown- 
ed by heaven. 

These important results have been effected by 
the united courage and perseverance of the army ; 
but which the different corps, as well as the indi¬ 
viduals that compose it, have vied with each other 
in their exertions to produce. The gratitude, the 
admiration of their country, offers a fairer reward, 
than that which any praises off the general can be¬ 
stow, and the best is that of which they can never 
be deprived, the consciousness of having done their 
duty, and of meriting the applause they will receive 


242 


MEMOIRS OE 


The history of modern warfare furnishes innu 
merable instances of enthusiastic and ardent appeals 
to the pride and courage of soldiers, before battles 
were fought, and most extravagant exaggerations of 
their achievements, after they were won. In the 
addresses of Gen. Jackson to his troops, before he 
entered the sanguinary field, nothing is to be dis¬ 
covered but the cool, dignified, and majestic lan¬ 
guage of a.great commander, prepared for victory. 
When he had vanquished his foe, the highest en¬ 
comium he could bestow upon his officers and sol¬ 
diers was, that they had answered his expectations. 
In no instance but one, in the numerous battles 
he had fought and conquered, had he occasion to 
express regrgt, at the conduct of any portion of his 
troops ; and in that very instance, he gained one 
of the greatest victories recorded in modern histo¬ 
ry—that of the 3th January, 1815. His agita¬ 
tion at losing the right bank of the Mississippi, for 
only a few hours, compelled him to say to a section 
of his little army, that he was disappointed . 

With Gen. Jackson, victory was never the re¬ 
sult of accident or fortune. It was .the necessary 
effect produced by a known cause. Although inva- 
riably victorious, it would be a miserable eulogy 
to pronounce him a fortunate commander. lie lef; 
nothing to be decided by the capricious “ fortune of 
war,” which as often gives glory to a blundering 
braggadocio, as to an accomplished general. He 
acted as though he was the guardian, as well as the 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


2 4 


r* 


commander of the soldiers, and as if he was ac¬ 
countable for every limb- and life lost by execut¬ 
ing his commands. The manner in which he de¬ 
fended New Orleans, evinced the solicitude he felt 
for the lives of his soldiers ; and although he was 
conscious that it would assuage the sorrow of the 
surviving friends of slain heroes, to declare that 
they died covered with glory, yet, in restoring 
them to the bosoms of their connections, with the 
laurels of victory upon their living brows, and the 
ardour of patriotism in their beating hearts, he felt 
as if he was rendering to his countrymen and to 
his country, the best account of his battles and his 
victories. 

The astonishing disparity in the losses of the 
American and British armies, would stagger the 
belief of the reader, were it not presented to 
him from most indubitable evidence. From offi¬ 
cial reports, now in the War Office, it appears that 
the whole loss of the Americans, before New Or¬ 
leans, and at the mouth of the Mississippi, was as 
follows :— 


Killed. Wounded. 

Dec. 23d,-24-115- 

Dec. 28th,-07-008- 

Jan’y. 1st,-11-023- 

Jan’y. 8th,-13*-030- 

From 9th to 17th, ) 

at Fort St.Philips, \ 02 -° 07 ~ 


Missing. Total. 

-074-213 

-000-015 

-000-034 

-019-062 

-000-009 


♦ But sewn were killed in the engagement. 


333 





















MEMOIRS OF 


244 


Thus it appears that but 57 were killed—of the 
183 wounded, it is not known that any one died ; 
and of the 93 missing, it is not known that but one 
deserted, and he was hung before the British camp, 
by order of the commander, immediately after the 
final victory over him.* Notwithstanding the se¬ 
verity of the season—the excessive labour and 
fatigue of the troops, and the want of camp equi¬ 
page, but few died ; so that it may be said of Gen. 
Jackson, as it was said of an ancient warrior—“ H& 
was twice a conqueror or he brought home full num¬ 
bers .” 

The loss of the British, from their own acknowl¬ 
edgment, and from the most correct accounts, must 
have been from 4500, to 5000. The mention of 
New-Orleans, while it calls up the most grateful 
and animated recollection of Americans, reminds' 
Englishmen, of one of the most disastrous defeats 
recorded in the history of their country. 

* This man was the only deserter from Gen. Jackson’s ar¬ 
my. He told Sir Edward, where the weakest part of the 
American lines were, having nothing but Tennessee raid 
Kentucky militia, to defend it. The principal column oftlie- 
enemy attacked that point. After the defeat, they railed 
at the deserter and hung him. 


ANDREW JACKbOfi-. 


2 


CHAPTER XYIL 


Gen. Jackson appoiots a day of Thanksgiving and Praise, 
for the Victories obtained, and for the preservation of the 
city, upon the 23d January,—Doct. Du ourg’s Address — 
the general’s ansvver—continues his exertions to render the 
country more secure—Surrender of Fort. Bowyer—peace 
proclaimed—discharge of troops—Gen. Jackson’s ad¬ 
dress to them—Remark. 

THE attention of the reader is now to he called 
from scenes of carnage, wounds, death, defeat and 
victory, to one, the most deeply interesting that can 
possibly be presented to the view of man. He is 
to be suddenly transported from those appalling 
scenes, which, if tears are permitted to soil the pu¬ 
rity of heaven, must make the angels weep, to one 
which must make them rejoice. 

Gen. Jackson, his gallant officers, and his troops, 
although loaded with earthly honours, and greeted- 
with the acclamations of a grateful and protected 
people, did not omit to render that homage which 
is due to that Almighty Being, who “ reigns in the 
armies of heaven above , as well as in the earth be¬ 
neath .” A day of thanksgiving and solemn praise 
was appointed by the general. It was upon the 23d 
of January. The solemn rites were performed in 
the Cathedral in New-Orleans. To behold a war¬ 
worn veteran, like Gen. Jackson, surrounded by 
his war-worn officers and troops, prostrated upon 


246 


memoirs of 


the altar of adoration, and offering to the God of 
Battles, that glory which the world had bestowed 
upon them , must have moved the heart of apathy 
itself. It is totally impossible for one who was not 
a witness of the scene, to have a conception of its 

solemn grandeur. The solemn peals of the organ, 

/ 

in unison with vocal praises, sent up to heaven the 
grateful acknowledgments of a preserved people. 
“ Grim visag’dwar had smooth’’d its wrinkled front'’ 
—tears of exquisite joy rolled down the cheeks of 
soldiers and citizens, and the hearts of all were 
swollen with gratitude to the King of kings, and 
Lord of lords. The Republic was safe ; a vaunt¬ 
ing foe was overthrown, and although the memo¬ 
ries of the few who had fallen in the sanguinary 
field—“ in sad remembrance rose it was a subject 
of inexpressible consolation, that almost all the sol¬ 
diers who had formed the impregnable rampart upon 
the plains of the Mississippi, w r ere now assembled 
in the city^, which owed its preservation to their 
valour, and to the blessing of heaven. 

Upon this occasion, the Rev. Doct. Dubourg, 
the administrator apostolic of the diocese of Lou¬ 
isiana, delivered to the general an address, replete 
with the pious effusions of the Christian, and the 
elegancies of the scholar. Although it has long 
been before the public, I cannot omit to enrich 
this volume by inserting a part of it, together with 
the impressive answer of Gen. Jackson. While 
they will be read with rapture by the Christ 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


24 '/ 


tian, they cannnot fail to excite the admiration of the 
patriot. 

The venerable minister of the gospel thus ad¬ 
dressed the Hero of New-Orleans, and the gallant 
officers and soldiers who had followed him to victo¬ 
ry, and now joined him in adoration — 4 General— 
While the state of Louisiana, in the joyful trans¬ 
ports of her gratitude, hails you as her deliv¬ 
erer, and the assertor of her menaced liberties— 
while grateful America, so lately wrapped up in 
anxious suspense, on the fate of this important city, 
is re-echoing from shore to shore, j'our splendid 
achievements, and preparing to inscribe your name 
on her immortal rolls, among those of her Wash¬ 
ingtons—While history, poetry, and the monument¬ 
al arts, will vie, in consigning to the admiration 
of the latest posterity, a triumph, perhaps, unpar¬ 
alleled in their records—while thus raised by 
universal acclamation, to the very pinacle of fame, 
how easy had it been for you, General, to forget 
the Prime Mover of your wonderful successes, 
and to assume to yourself a praise, which must 
essentially return'to that exalted-source, whence 
every merit is derived. But, better acquaint¬ 
ed with the nature of true glory, and justly 
placing the summit of your ambition, in approving' 
yourself the worthy instrument of heaven’s mer¬ 
ciful designs, the first impulse of your religious 
heart w r as,to acknowledge the interposition of Provi¬ 
dence—your first step, a solemn display of your- 


MEMOIRS OF 


240 

bumble sense of His favours. Still agitated at 
the remembrance of those dreadful agonies, from 
which ive have been so miraculously rescued, it is- 
our pride to acknowledge, that the Almighty has 
truly had the principal hand in our deliverance, 
and to follo^v you, general, in attributing to His in¬ 
finite goodness, the homage of our unfeigned grati 
tude. Let the infatuated votary of a blind chance, 
deride our credulous simplicity ; let the cold heart¬ 
ed atheist look for the explanation of important - 
events, to the mere concatenation ofhuman causes : 
to us, the whole universe is loud in proclaiming a 
Supreme Ruler, who, as lie holds the hearts of 
men in his hand, holds also the thread of all contin¬ 
gent occurrences. 

To Him, therefore, our most fervent thanks are 
due, for our late unexpected rescue. It is Him we 
intend to praise, when considering you, general, as 
the man of his right hand. whom, he has taken pains 
to lit out for the important commission of our de¬ 
fence. We extol that fecundity of genius, by which, 
under the most discouraging distress, you created 
unforseen resources, raised, as it were, from the 
ground, hosts, of intrepid warriors, and provided 
every vulnerable point with ample means of de¬ 
fence. To him we trace that instinctive superiori¬ 
ty of your mind, which at once rallied around jmu 
universal confidence ; impressed one irresistible 
movement to all the jarring elements of which this 
political machine is composed ; aroused their slum 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


Bering spirits, and diffused through every rank, the 
noble ardour which glowed in your bosom. To 
Him, in fine, we address our acknowledgments for 
that consummate prudence, which defeated all the 
combinations of a sagacious enemy, entangled him 
in the very snares which he had spread for us, and 
succeeded in effecting his utter destruction, without 
exposing the lives of our citizens. Immortal thanks 
be to his Supreme Majesty, for sending us such an 
instrument of His bountiful designs ! A gift of that 
value, is the best token of the continuance of His 
protection—the most solid encouragement, to sue 
for new favours. The first, which it emboldens us. 
humbly to supplicate, as nearest our throbbing 
hearts, is that you may long enjoy the honour of 
your grateful country ; of which you will permit 
us to present you a pledge, in this Wreath of 
Laurel, the prize of victory, the symbol of immor¬ 
tality. The next is a speedy and honourable ter¬ 
mination of the bloody contest, in which we are 
engaged. No one has so efficaciously laboured as 
you, general, for the acceleration of that blissful 
period : may we soon reap that sweetest fruit of 
your splendid and uninterrupted victories.” 

The general thus replied to this solemn and im¬ 
pressive address. His allusion to the ** cypress- 
leaf,” a symbol of grief and woe, is inimitably 
fine. Cypress groves were constantly in view of 
the rival armies, during their sanguinary conflicts, 
■and thev will hereafter remind Englishmen of the 


250 


memoirs err 


carnage committed amongst his infatuated country¬ 
men, invading our soil, by the gallant armies of 
the Republic in defending it. 

“ Reverend Sir—I receive, with gratitude and 
pleasure, the symbol crown, which piety has pre¬ 
pared. I receive it in the name of the brave men 
who so effectually seconded my exertions—they 
well deserve the laurels which their country will 
Bestow. 

For myself, to have been instrumental in the 
deliverance of such a country, is the greatest bless¬ 
ing that heaven could confer. That it has been 
effected with so little loss—that so few tears should 
cloud the smiles of our triumph, and not a cypress 
leaf be interwoven in the wreath which you pre¬ 
sent, is a source of the most exquisite pleasure. 
I thank you, reverend Sir, most sincerely, for the 
prayers, which you offer up for my happiness. May 
those your patriotism dictates for our beloved 
country, be first heard : and may mine, for your 
individual prosperity, as well as that of the con¬ 
gregation committed to your care, be favourably 
received—the prosperity, wealth, and happiness 
of this city, will then be commensurate with the 
courage and other qualities of its inhabitants.” 

Gen. Jackson, although he felt as if Louisiana 
and its capital were safe, did not remit any of his 
exertions to render the country still more secure. 
With the assistance of his beloved associates. 
Generals Coffee, Carroll, Adair, &c. and the troop* 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


251 


under their immediate command, he continued to 
augment the strength of his lines on each bank of 
the Mississippi. From his uniform language and 
conduct at this period, it would appear that he sup¬ 
posed the negociations at Ghent, would not ter¬ 
minate amicably. In one of his letters to Mr. 
Monroe, the Secretary of War, he says—“ In my 
own mind, there is but little doubt, that his [the 
British commander’s] last exertions have been 
made in this quarter, at any rate for the present sea¬ 
son ; and by the next , I hope we shall be fully pre¬ 
pared for him.” In another one he says—“ Wher¬ 
ever l command, such a belief, [that the enemy 
would retire,] shall never occasion any relaxation 
in the measures of resistance. I am but too sensi¬ 
ble that the moment when the enemy is opposing us, 
is not the most proper to provide for him.” 

By the 24th of January, every hostile foot was 
driven from the soil of Louisiana, and Gen. Lam¬ 
bert and his army , were compelled to seek for safe¬ 
ty in the jleet of Admiral Cochrane, and even that 
was compelled to keep at a respectful distance from 
-the shores of the Republic. 

Before the 8th February, the British forces had 
positive and certain intelligence, that a treaty of 
peace between America and Great Britain, had 
been signed by the commissioners of the two gov¬ 
ernments at Ghent. They were aware, however, 
that it was not binding until ratifications were ex¬ 
changed. Anxious to wipe off the indelible dis- 


252 


MEMOIRS OF 


grace they had incurred at New-Orleans, upon the. 
8th of January, they assailed Fort Bowyer, at the 
mouth of the Mobile, upon the 8th February, with 
their whole land and naval forces. The gallant 
Lawrence was still there ; but resistance wou Id 
have been the sacrifice of his “ little phalanx.” 
He surrendered the fort ; but one condition was, 
that the Americans should march out of it “ with 
colours flying , and drums beating—the Officers re¬ 
taining their swords .” 

The “ commanders in chief of his Britannic ma¬ 
jesty’s land and naval forces upon the American 
station are'welcome to the little glory they 
claim, for taking this little fort, only to surrender 
it up again. 

Upon the 13th February, Gen. Jackson was ad- 
vised of the ratification of the Treaty of Peace, 
by an express from the War Department. The 
following address to his troops, upon ordering 
■them to be marched home, will always be read with 
delight. 

“ The major-general is at length enabled to per¬ 
form the pleasing task, of restoring to Tennessee, 
Kentucky, Louisiana, and the territory of the Mis¬ 
sissippi, the brave troops who have acted such a 
distinguished part, in the war which has just termin¬ 
ated. In restoring these brave men to their homes, 
much exertion is expected of, and great responsi¬ 
bility imposed on, the commanding officers of the 
different corps. It is required of Mnj. Gens. Car- 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


253 


roil, aftd Thomas, and Brig. Gen. Coffee, to inarch 
their commands, without unnecessary delay, to 
their respective states. The troops from the Mis¬ 
sissippi Territory and state of Louisiana, both mili¬ 
tia and volunteers, will be immediately mustered 
out of service, paid, and discharged. 

The major-general has the satisfaction of an¬ 
nouncing the approbation of the President of the 
United States, to the conduct of the troops under 
his command, expressed in flattering terms, through 
the honourable the Secretary of War. In parting 
with these brave men, whose destinies have been so 
long united with his own, and in whose labours and 
glories it is his happiness and his boast to have 
participated, the commanding general can neither 
suppress his feelings, nor give utterance to them 
as he ought. In what terms can he bestow suita¬ 
ble praise on merit so extraordinary, so unparallel¬ 
ed ? Let him, in one burst of joy, gratitude, and ex¬ 
ultation exclaim—these are the saviours of their 
country—these the patriot soldiers who triumphed 
over the invincibles of Wellington, and conquered 
the conquerors of Europe ! 

With what patience did you submit to privations 
—with what fortitude did you endure fatigue— 
what valour did you display in the day of battle ! 
you have secured to America a proud name among 
the nations of the earth—a glory which will never 
perish. Possessing those dispositions, which equal¬ 
ly adorn the citizen, and she soldier, the expecia- 


254 


MEMOIRS OF 


tions of your country will be met in peace, as her 
wishes have been gratified in war. Go then, my 
brave companions, to your homes ; to those tender 
connexions, and blissful scenes, which render life 
so dear—full of honour, and crowned with laurels 
which will never fade. When participating, in the 
bosoms of your families, the enjoyment of peaceful 
life, with what happiness will you not look back 
to the toils you have borne—to the dangers you 
have encountered ? How will all your past expo¬ 
sures be converted into sources of inexpressible 
delight ? Who, that never experienced your suffer¬ 
ings, will be able to appreciate your joys ? The 
man who slumbered ingloriously at home, during 
your painful marches, your nights of watchfulness, 
and your days of toil, will envy you the happiness 
which these recollections will afford—still more 
will he envy the gratitude of that country, which 
you have so eminently contributed to save. Con¬ 
tinue, fellow-soldiers, on your passage to your sev¬ 
eral destinations, to preserve that subordination, 
that dignified and manly deportment, which have 
so ennobled your character. 

While the commanding general is thus giving in¬ 
dulgence to his feelings, towards those brave com¬ 
panions, who accompanied him through difficul¬ 
ties and danger, he cannot permit the names of 
Blount, and Shelby, and Holmes, to pass unnoticed. 
With what generous ardour and patriotism, have 
these distinguished governours contributed all their 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


266 

exertions ; and the success which has resulted, will 
be to them a reward more grateful than any which 
the pomp of title, or the splendour of wealth, can 
bestow. 

What happiness it is to the commanding general, 
that while danger was bef©re him, he was, on no 
occasion, compelled to use towards his compan¬ 
ions in arms, either severity or rebuke. If after 
the enemy had retired, improper passions began 
their empire in a few unworthy bosoms, and render¬ 
ed a resort to energetic measures necessary for their 
suppression, he has not confounded the innocent 
with the guilty—the seduced with the seducers. 
Towards you, fellow-soldiers, the most cheering 
recollections exist, blended, alas ! with regret, that 
disease and war should have ravished from us, so 
many worthy companions. But the memory of the 
cause in which they perished, and cf the virtues 
which animated them, while living, must occupy the 
place where sorrow would claim, to dwell. 

“ Farewell, fellow-soldiers. The expression of 
your general’s thanks is feeble, but the gratitude of 
a country of freemen isyour’s—} r our’s the applause 
of an admiring world.” 

In this address to the troops, the solicitude of 
Gen. Jackson, for the reputation of the army, is 
clearly evinced. Aware that the exultation they 
felt from the victories they had obtained, and 
the animation that aroused them to enthusiasm, 
at the “ wreath of laurel ” bestowed upon them 
by their countrymen, might occasion aberrations 


MEMOIRS OP 


256 

from the regular walk of sober citizens, he exhort¬ 
ed them not to tarnish in peace, the glory they 
had acquired in war. The troops thus dismissed 
by their commander, had to march from five to 
eight hundred miles, before they reached their 
homes. The citizens, inhabiting the country 
through winch they passed, so far from treating 
them with distant coldness, and extorting from them 
the pittance they had obtained for defending the 
Republic, (conduct not unknown to some parts of 
America,) received them with unbounded hospi¬ 
tality, and congratulated them as the gallant defenef- 
e'rs of American Independence: 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


Or, 7 


CHAPTER XVIII. 

Recapitulation of facts relative to the proclamation of Mar 
tial Law, writ o ihabeas corpus, Louailiier , and Judge Hail 
—Arrest ofGen. Jackson—his defence, conviction and fine 
—Trial by jury—Popular feeling—Moderation of Gen. 
Jackson—he ad vises to a sacred regard for civil power. 

IT will be recollected by the reader, that upon 
the 16th December, Gen. Jackson proclaimed mar¬ 
tial law in New-Orleans, and in the environs of it 
The reasons of that measure, have already been 
briefly given, and the imperious necessity of adopt¬ 
ing it demonstrated. Next to the efficient mea¬ 
sures of defence below the city, the people are 
indebted to the temporary execution of this system 
of government, for their salvation from the horrors 
of British invasion. 

That the military power, must be secondary 
to the civil, is an axiom in our Republic generally 
assented to. That they are both, on great emer¬ 
gencies, to support the honour, dignity, and Inde¬ 
pendence of the States, is a sentiment no less gen¬ 
erally prevalent. It is a principle, that may be 
said to be coeval with the formation of civil gov¬ 
ernment, that laws are silent in the midst of arms, 
or as the Romans had it, “ leges silent inter anna .” 
These principles are each to have an influence up¬ 
on the mind, in forming an opinion of the propriety 

of Gen. Jackson’s conduct, in regard to the suppres- 

oo * 


258 


MEMOIRS OF 


sion of the civil authority at New-Orleans, and the 
legislature of Louisiana, at that time in session 
there. 

Nothing but the agitation produced at the ap¬ 
proach of imminent danger, upon fearful minds, can 
furnish the least palliation for the extraordinary 
course pursued by the city police of New-Orleans, 
and the legislature of Louisiana, during the most 
portentous period of their history, i. e. from the 
16th Dec. 1814, to the middle of Feb. 1815. 
These confident assertions would not be made, were 
they not susceptible of the clearest proof. The 
existence of that state of things which led to the 
declaration of martial law, by Gen. Jackson, has 
been partly unfolded by presenting the reader, in a 
preceding chapter, with what was deemed appro¬ 
priate extracts, from the correspondence of Gov. 
Claiborne with him. This evidence must be com¬ 
pletely satisfactory, as it was derived from a dis¬ 
tinguished civil officer, who must, with distressing 
reluctance, have detailed to the world, the melan¬ 
choly confession of facts so derogatory to the dig¬ 
nity and to the patriotism of the legislature, over 
whom he presided, and of the city, where they 
were in session. It will never, however, be for¬ 
gotten that the police of New-Orleans, at this per¬ 
ilous period, was not in accordance with the 
wishes of a great proportion of its patriotic citizens ; 
nor did the timorous, and vacillating policy of the le¬ 
gislature, coincide with the ardent desires of a great 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


259 


number of its members. A number of them follow¬ 
ed the governour from the house of legislation, to 
the camp of Gen. Jackson, and shewed that they 
felt more solicitous to preserve their state from 
the contaminating footsteps of a barbarous enemy, 
than to remain in conclave, debating upon ques¬ 
tions of punctilious etiquette, between the civil 
and military powers. 

It has already been stated, that a majority of the 
senate and house of representatives, in the state 
legislature of Louisiana, were opposed to the re¬ 
quisitions which Gov. Claiborne had made upon 
the Louisiana militia. The patriotism of the mili¬ 
tia, however, was not to be damped by a legisla¬ 
tive veto , and they followed their patriotic govern¬ 
our to the field ; and while they were repelling the 
tremendous assault of the enemy, upon the 28th 
Dec. with their brave countrymen from Tennessee, 
Kentucky, and Mississippi, the legislature were 
actually engaged in debating the question, whether 
they should not surrender the capital and state, 
to the British army—and make the best terms they 
could with Sir Edward Pakenham! ! Gen. Jackson 
ordered Gov. Claiborne, to repair to the city with 
a requisite number of troops, to preserve it from 
the danger of their own legislature, while he would 
defend it from the enemy hanging upon its borders. 
This order was promptly executed, and the legisla¬ 
ture, by their own governour, was prevented from 
sacrificing the city as a victim to their own fears. 


MEMOIRS OF 


l 2t)0 

To see a state legislature gravely taking measures 
to negociate with the enemy of the whole R.e 
public, evinced almost a complete deterioration oi 
intellect. The commander of the forces, so far as 
his power extends, is the representative ot the na¬ 
tional power —he only must be the judge of what 
will conduce to the safety of the country, he com¬ 
mands ; and he only is accountable for the measures 
that may be adopted. If New Orleans had been 
sacrificed by the commander, in a manner as das¬ 
tardly as was Detroit, the same disgrace would 
now have been attached to the name of Jackson, 
as there is to that of Hull ; but by defending it 
against the power of the enemy ; the intrigues ot 
some of its citizens, and the feverish agitation of 
the legislsture, he has placed himself beyond the 
reach of rivalship, upon the rolls of tame. 

Without pursuing this subject farther, the rea¬ 
der is now called to leave the legislature of Louisia¬ 
na, in 1814—15, where facts have left it, and follow 
Gen. Jackson from the solemn scene of thanks¬ 
giving to heaven, and the acclamations of a preserv¬ 
ed people for victories obtained, to answer for his 
military conduct before a judicial tribunal. To a 
believer in the doctrine of decrees, it would seem 
to have been fore-ordained, that Andrew Jackson 
should be the instrument of procuring the greatest 
temporal blessings for his country ; and that the 
ingratitude of republics should have made him, in 
some respects, a signal instance, to show that they 
-are still ungrateful. 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


261 

Gen. Jackson found himself under the imperious 
necessity of continuing the execution of martial 
law, until the enemy had totally abandoned his hos¬ 
tile views against New Orleans and Mobile ; or un¬ 
til the rumours of peace were confirmed by official 
communications from the War Department. Up¬ 
on the first circulation of these rumours, the troops 
evinced the utmost impatience, and a spirit of in¬ 
subordination pervaded the army before New Or¬ 
leans. From his knowledge of the innumerable strat¬ 
agems of the enem}'', to gain by the policy of war, 
what they had despaired of acquiring by the force 
of arms, Gen. Jackson was apprehensive that they 
had devised this report, to lull the soldiers and cit¬ 
izens into a fatal security and to take the first fa¬ 
vourable opportunity that offered, to invade the 
country, and subject it to British dominion. 

A member of the legislature, by the name of 
Louaillier , had published in a New Orleans’ Ga¬ 
zette, an article calculated to excite rebellion in 
the American army, and to encourage the enemy 
to renew their attack. Gen. Jackson immediately 
ordered him to be arrested and confined. Mr. 
Dominic A. Hall, judge of the district, immediately 
issued a writ of habeas corpus , directed to Gen. 
Jackson, commanding him to show reasons for the 
detention of this legislator — The general, knowing 
that his appearance before his troops, in a time of 
danger, was of more consequence to his country, 
than his appearance before a judge, who was en- 


MEMOIRS OF 


deavouring, by the exercise of judicial power, to 
protect a domestic enemy, immediately ordered 
Judge Hall to be arrested and sent out of the city. 
The trial was postponed until the country was se¬ 
cured. 

In a very few days after this commencement of 
war between the military power of the American 
Republic, and the judicial authority atNew-Orleans, 
peace was officially announced to Gen. Jackson, 
from the War Department, between his Britannic 
Majesty and the United States, and betzveen their re¬ 
spective countries, territories , cities , towns, and peo¬ 
ple, of every degree , without exception of places or 
persons .” The joy that filled every heart at the 
return of peace, was mingled with gratitude to 
Gen. Jackson, his long tried, brave, and patriotic 
officers, and gallant soldiers, for their protection in 
time of war. But amidst this exhilarating scene, 
the sullen murmurs of disappointed faction, were 
heard in discordant notes ; and the very men who 
were indebted to Gen. Jackson and his army, for 
the preservation of their lives, fortunes and fami¬ 
lies, seemed to be actuated by the bitterest malice 
against him. 

It was upon the 11th March, that Judge Hall, 
was removed from New-Orleans—upon the 13th, 
the ratification of the treaty of Ghent, was officially 
announced there—upon the 19th, military opera¬ 
tions were brought to a close between the two ar¬ 
mies—and upon the 31st, Gen. Jackson was arrest¬ 
ed and brought before the same Jadge Hall, 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


263 


to answer for his contempt of the court , for not 
answering instanter, to the habeas corpus, and for 
imprisoning the Judge who issued it ! ! From the 
nature of the subject, and the mode of proceeding, 
this may be pronounced by the legal profession, to 
be causa primes impressionism 

Called thus suddenly from the encampment of an 
army., before a court of law, Gen. Jackson di¬ 
vested himself of the stern character of the soldier, 
and resumed the more gentle one of the advocate— 
not to defend a client, as he often had done, against 
groundless charges ; but to save himself from the 
vengeance of infuriated malice. The defence he 
made, has been before the public ever since he 
made it. It is a source of regret, that the insertion 
of it entire, cannot be made. It comprises not 
only the facts upon which it was grounded, but a 
profound disquisition upon the civil and military 
power, in a time of imminent danger. The follow¬ 
ing Selections from it will show the reasons, in-ad¬ 
dition to those already given, why he proclaimed 
and enforced martial law—imprisoned a legislative 
scribbler—neglected to regard a writ of habeas cor¬ 
pus, and compelled the judge who issued it to leave 
the city of New-Orleans. In this defence, the gene¬ 
ral says— 

“ A disciplined, and powerful army was on our 
coast, commanded by officers of tried valour, and 
consummate skili ; their fleet had already destroy¬ 
ed the feeble defence, on which, alone, we could 
rely, to prevent their landing on our shores. 


MEMOIRS OF 


204 

Their point of attack was uncertain—a hundred 
inlets were to be guarded, by a force not sufficient 
in number for one ; we had no lines of defence ; 
treason lurked amongst us, and only waited the mo¬ 
ment of expected defeat, to show itself openly. 

Our men were few, and of those few, not all 
were armed ; our utter ruin if we failed, at hand, 
and inevitable ; every thing depended on the prompt 
and energetic use of the means we possessed, in 
calling the whole force of the community into ac¬ 
tion ; it was a contest for the very existence of 
the state, and every nerve was to be strained in its 
defence. The physical force of every individual, 
his moral faculties, his property, and the energy 
of his example, were to be called into action, and 
instant action. No delay—no hesitation—no in¬ 
quiry about rights, or all was lost ; and every 
thing dear to man, his property, life, the honour 
of his familyv his country, its constitution and 
laws, were swept away by the avowed principles, 
the open practice of the enemy, with whom we had 
had to contend. Fortifications were to be erected, 
supplies procured, arms sought for, requisitions 
made, the emissaries of the enenry watched, lurk¬ 
ing treason overawed, insubordination punished, 
and the contagion of cowardly example to be stop¬ 
ped. 

In this crisis, and under a firm persuasion that 
none of those objects could be effected, by the 
exercise of the ordinary powers confided to him— 
under a solemn conviction that the countrv com- 


✓ 

ANDREW JACKSON. *>63 

flitted to his care, could be saved by that measure 
only, from utter ruin—under a religious belief, 
that he was performing the most important and 
sacred duty, the respondent proclaimed martial 
law. lie intended, by that measure, to .supercede 
such civil powers, as in their operation, interfered 
with those he was obliged to exercise. He thought, 
in such a moment, constitutional forms must be 
suspended, for the permanent preservation of con¬ 
stitutional rights, that and there could he no question 
whether it were best to depart, for a moment from 
the enjoyment of our dearest privileges, or have 
them wrested from us forever. He knew, that 
if the civil magistrate were permitted to exercise 
his usual functions, none of the measures necessa¬ 
ry to avert the awful fate that threatened us, could 
be expected. Personal liberty cannot exist, at a 
time when every man is required to become a sol¬ 
dier. Private property cannot be secured, when 
its use is indispensable to the public safety. 

Unlimited liberty of speech is incompatible with 
the discipline of a camp ; and that of the press, 
more dangerous still, when.made the vehicle of 
conveying intelligence to the enemy, or exciting 
mutiny among the troops. To have suffered the 
uncontrolled enjoyment of any of those rights, dar¬ 
ing the time of the late invasion, would have been 
to abandon the defence of the country. The 
civil magistrate is the guardian of those rights ; 
but no further.” 


23 


266 


MEMOIRS OF 


In perusing the preceding extract, the reader 
must feel a pride in reflecting, that Gen. Jackson, 
and many other officeis in the army of the Repub¬ 
lic, have acquired the science of Statesmen, as 
well as the fame of Soldiers. 

The General, in his masterly defence, minutely 
and forcibly assigns the reasons for the course he 
pursued in regard to Louaillier , the writ of habeas 
corpus , and Judge Hall ; and proceeds— 

“ To have silently looked on such an offence, 
without making any attempt to punish it, would 
have been a formal surrender of all discipline, all 
order, all personal dignity, and public safety. This 
could not be done ; and the respondent immediate¬ 
ly ordered the arrest of the offender. A w r rit of 
habeas corpus was directed to issue for his enlarge¬ 
ment. The very case which had been foreseen ; 
the very contingency on which martial law was 
intended to operate, had now occurred. The civil 
magistrate seemed to think it his duty, to enforce 
the enjoyment of civil rights, although the con¬ 
sequences which have been described, would 
probably have resulted. An unbending sense of 
what he seemed to think his station required, indu¬ 
ced him to order the liberation of the prisoner 
This, under the respondent’s sense of duty, pro¬ 
duced a conflict, which it was Ins wish to avoid. 

No other course remained, than to enforce the 
principles which he had laid down as his guide, and 
"to suspend the .exercise of the judicial power 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


267 


whenever it interfered with the necessary means 
of defence. The only way effectually to do this, 
vas to place the judge in a situation, in which his 
interference could not counteract the measures of de¬ 
fence, or give countenance to the mutinous dispo¬ 
sition that had shown itself in so alarming a degree. 
Merely to have disregarded the writ, would have 
ncreased the evil, and to have obeyed it was whol¬ 
ly repugnant to the respondent’s ideas of the pub¬ 
lic safety, and to his own sense of duty. The 
judge was therefore confined, and removed be¬ 
yond the lines of defence.” 

After denying the jurisdiction of the court, and 
claiming, as a constitutional right, a trial by jury, 
he thus concludes a defence, which the jurist may 
read with advantage, and the patriot with admira¬ 
tion. 

<£ This was the conduct of the respondent, and 
these the motives which prompted it. They have 
been fairly and openly exposed, to this tribunal, 
and to the world, and would not have been accom ¬ 
panied by any exceptions or waver of jurisdiction, 
if it had been deemed expedient to give him that 
species of trial, to which he thinks himself entitled 
by the constitution of his country. 

The powers which the exigency of the times 
forced him to assume, have been exercised ex¬ 
clusively for the public good ; and, by the bles¬ 
sing of God, they have been attended with un ¬ 
paralleled success. They have saved the country ; 


268 


MEMOIRS OF 


and whatever may be the opinion of that country, 
or the decrees of its courts, in relation to the 
means he has used, he can never regret that lie 
employed them.” 

The trial hy jury, however much it may be 
sneered at, by the possessors and advocates of un¬ 
defined power, lias secured to Englishmen the few 
ights remaining to them. To Americans, it is secu¬ 
red by our inimitable Constitution ; but in the in¬ 
stance before the reader, it was refused to Gen. 
Jackson, by calling in the aid of the common law 
of England, to ensure the conviction of the respon¬ 
dent for contempt of court ! ! Dominic A. Hall, .was 
the judge whose dignity was alledged to be affected 
by contempt of court—Dominic A. Ilall was the 
man who was said to have sustained an individual 
injury hy the operation of martial law—Dominic 
A. Hall was the judge who would have jurisdiction 
of the case—who deprived Gen. Jackson of a trial 
by jury, and who amerced him in a fine of a thou¬ 
sand dollars!! Half of this sum must have been ex¬ 
pended in delays, costs of prosecution, and in the 
expenses of making defence, and the whole fifteen 
hundred dollars, was drawn out. of the pocket of 
the man whose indefatigable exertions, consummate 
wisdom, and gallant courage, had secured to the 
judge the privilege of convicting him. 

The records of Judge Jeffery himself, scarcely 
furnished a parallel with this proceeding. An 
English jury saved Penn and Meade —afterwards 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


5269- 

the Dean of St. Asaph , and in the present reign, 
Tooke, Hardy and Thelwell , from the grasp of a 
vindictive ministry, and subservient judiciary ; and. 
had Gen. Jackson been arraigned before an impar¬ 
tial and an independent jury of Americans, allowed 
to consider his whole case, with what readiness. 
W'ould they have pronounced a verdict of “ not 
guilty,” and changed the indignant murmurs of 
the audience at his conviction, into joyous accla¬ 
mations at his acquittal. . 

G en. Jackson immediately satisfied the judg¬ 
ment, and retired from the court to his carriage. 
The throng that surrounded the hall of justice, 
could not repress their feelings. The horses were 
unharnessed—the carriage elevated upon their 
shoulders, and the Hero of New Orleans was, in 
this manner, borne through the streets to his lodg¬ 
ings, by its protected and secured citizens. Flat¬ 
tering as was this demonstration of respect and 
admiration for him , the general was apprehensive 
that it was evincive of some disrespQct for civil 
power, and addressed them, in the most pathetic 
manner. This address is before the v/riter ; but 
ks length forbids its insertion. Fie acknowledg¬ 
ed the civility of the people, not with the studied 
formality of fashionable etiquette, but with the im¬ 
passioned eloquence of the heart. Fie exhorted the 
people whom he loved, and who almost adored him, 
not to suffer the ebullitions of passion, to mako them 

forget the respect due to civ il authority. They cf- 

93* 


270 


MEMOIRS OP 


fered to pay the amount of the fine inflicted upon 
him, but he declined receiving it ; and retired to 
his. lodgings with the unassumed dignity of con¬ 
scious integrity. 

It is with pride, mingled with veneration, that 
the writer is enabled thus to furnish the reader 
with conclusive evidence, of the dignified modera¬ 
tion of a conqueror, who conquered, not to aggran¬ 
dize himself, but to render secure that indepen¬ 
dence acquired by his countrymen. Although by 
military power, he had saved an important section 
of the Republic, and secured the enjoyment of 
civil power , he was conscious that the first was,, 
and must be, in a free government, superiour to 
the last ; and if, by a civil or judicial functionary, 
he had sustained what his countrymen deemed an 
injury, he was conscious that it was fur preferable 
to suffer himself, and to have errors of judg¬ 
ment overlooked, than to have the civil institutions 
of his country disregarded.. 


ANDREW JACKSON* 


271 


CHAPTER XIX, 

Gen. Jackson retires from New-Orleans—arrives at Nash¬ 
ville, his place of residence—Reflection—He receives a 
message to repair to the seat of government, to assist in 
arranging the Feace Establishment of the U.oS. army— 
Difficulty of thatduty—Votes of thanks,&c. to Gen. Jack- 
son—He repairs to the seat of government—Civilities re¬ 
ceived upon his passage, and on his arrival—Returns to 
his head-quarters at Nashville, and in 1816, repairs to 
New-Orleans, and arranges the army. 

GEN. JACKSON, haviag preserved the military 
district assigned to his command, from invasion- 
having defended it against a force which the enemy 
supposed irresistible, and his countrymen alarming¬ 
ly formidable—having restored his gallant army to 
the fire-sides rendered safe by their valour—hav¬ 
ing submitted to the adjudication of a civil tribu¬ 
nal, and complied with its decision, he had an 
opportunity to enjoy that repose to which he 
had long been a stranger, and which was now 
rendered secure from the disturbance of savage 
and civilized foes. He beheld an immense por¬ 
tion of the Republic, which was recently in danger 
of subjugation, by a power whose ambition is as 
boundless as its cupidity, enjoying in security, the 
blessings of the American Constitution. 

ft is utterly impossible to describe by language, 
the emotions of the heart upon this occasion—de¬ 
scription lags far behind reality, and its power-, is 


272 


MEMOIRS OF 


impotency itself. Surrounded by a recently aiarm^ 
ed, and now a secured people, whose hearts were 
swollen with gratitude and whose eyes were 
swimming in tears of joy, he stood amidst the 
, citizens of New-Orleans, like a father in the midst 
of a family, who owed their temporal felicity to 
his assiduous labours. The females of the city, 
who owed their lives, and what was dearer, their 
honour, to his courage, in impressive silence, 
evinced their gratitude to their “ Patron and 
Friend. 5 * 

“ A glance sends volumes to the heart, 

il While words impassion'd die.” 

Gen. Jackson had a family eight hundred mile.? 
distant, from which he had long been separated, 
and to which he was impelled, by the most affec* 
tionate attachment, to return. He left New-Or- 
leans with the blessings of its citizens for his 
wisdom and courage in defending them,- and with 
heir prayers for his happiness. In the long dis*' 
tance of country through which he passed to his 
residence at Nashville, he was every where re¬ 
ceived by the people, with the most enthusiastic 
demonstrations of respect; and greeted as the great 
instrument in the hands of heaven, of preserving 
their country from British outrage, and British 
dominion. It was the only reward they 'could bes¬ 
tow, and the most grateful one he could receive. In 
every heart a monument was erected to his glory 
upon the foundation of gratitude, which will never 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


273 


he shaken ; but which will be transmitted from the 
bosom of the sire to the son, through all the dis¬ 
tant ages of posterity. 

He arrived at Nashville upon the 15th May, 1815. 
Twenty-seven years before, he arrived here at the 
age of twenty-four years, an insulated being, rely¬ 
ing solely upon His own exertions and the smiles 
of heaven, for his establishment in life. He ra¬ 
pidly advanced in fame, as the country with rapidi¬ 
ty, advanced to civilization—he literally “grew with 
the growth, and strengthened with the strength” 
of the people of Tennessee. He had gone hand 
in hand with his fellow citizens, in protecting the 
territory and the state, from-the barbarous carnage 
of savages, and securing the rude cottage of the 
early settler from conflagration, and his family 
from massacre. He had seen an expanded wil 
derness, where the majestic silence of nature was 
broken only by the howling of beasts, the yells 
of savages, and the tumbling of waters, converted 
into a region of civilization,, where the arts, so 
conducive to the happiness of man, and the sci¬ 
ences, which enlarges his views, were practised and 
taught He had seen, in the space of a quarter 
of a century, a new people arise in a new country, 
to an elevation equal to that of many portions of 
the globe, which have enjoyed the inestimable 
blessings of civilization for many centuries. He 
had seen a constitution established to secure the 
rights of the people—courts instituted to adminis* 


274 


MEMOIRS OF 


ter justice, and three universities founded to diffuse 
the lights of science. He had sustained many im¬ 
portant offices in the state, and had represented it 
in both branches of the national government, and 
had laboured to render the civil, religious, and po¬ 
litical rights of the people secure. To protect 
these enjoyments, he had at the call of his fellow- 
citizens, led them into the heart of a country of 
savages, and conquered them into peace. He 
also had led them into the face of the most for¬ 
midable and best disciplined army, that ever as¬ 
sailed the American Republic, and compelled those 
of them who were not left to moulder in the soil 
they invaded, to flee from destruction. At Nash¬ 
ville he found himself surrounded by his grateful 
fellow-citizens, in the enjo}'ment of peace and hap¬ 
piness; and by his accomplished officers and gallant 
soldiers, who had, by their courage, rendered them 

secure. Terrestrial regions could not afford a scene 

* 

more impressively interesting. In Gen. Jackson, 
the people recognized a Statesman, whose laborious- 
and scientific exertions had conduced greatly to 
the security of their political rights ; and a Soldier, 
whose valour had defended them from violation. 
In the people who now surrounded him, the gener¬ 
al recognized virtuous and industrious citizens, and 
faithful and gallant soldiers. 

Gen. Jackson had received a message, some 
time previous to his arrival at Nashville, to repair 
to the seat of government, to render that assistance 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


276 


which his knowledge and experience enabled him 
to afford, in organizing a peace establishment in the 
army of the Republic. Indispensable duties, in the 
district under his command, rendered a compliance 
impossible. 

The task which devolved upon the War, and 
-the other Departments of the government, in dis¬ 
banding an army, which, in the last campaign of 
the war, had every where covered itself with glory, 
W'as important and delicate in the extreme. To the 
.private soldier , whose toils had been severe, whose 
privations had been hard, and whose reward at the 
conclusion of the war was ample, to be restored to 
private life, was a gratification. But to officers, 
from the highest to the lowest grade, who entered 
the service, more for the acquisition of fame than 
-fortune—who had left promising prospects in pri¬ 
vate life, to defend their endangered country—for 
such men to be dismissed from the service, with 
-which they had become familiar, and be compelled 
to return again to the dull pursuits of civil life, 
which has but a few charms for the soldier, was a 
difficult, although a necessary duty. 

The American Republic is not a military govern¬ 
ment—-and an overgrown standing army in a time 
of peace, cannot be maintained. 

From the immense extent of the country—from 
the number of its forts on the sea-board, and fron¬ 
tier, a small standing force is necessary, and a 
small one only, in a time of peace, will be endured 


27G 


tIEMQIRS OF 


by the people. Conversant with the history of an¬ 
cient and modern military governments, the Ameri- 
cam people are jealous of military power. A ne¬ 
cessary military force will always be supported— 
a supernumerary army, will always be considered 
and opposed as dangerous. At the conclusion of 
the second war between the American Republic, 
and the kingdom of great Britain, the government 
decided that ten thousand troops, properly propor¬ 
tioned, as to officers and soldiers, should constitute 
the peace establishment —probably the smallest 
standing army, considering the extent, population, 
and importance of the country, in any nation in the 
world. Many officers, who would have adorned any 
army, must have been dismissed by the reduction 
of the American army, from the war to the peace 
establishment. 

The whole of the Republic was divided into two 
divisions, or departments—the South, and the 
North. Maj. Gen. Jackson was appointed com¬ 
mander in chief of the Division of the South. His 
appointment to this important command, met with 
the approbation of the country. His ability to 
command, had been proved by obtaining a series 
of victories, over the most warlike tribe of savages, 
and the best disciplined armies in the world, under 
the most disadvantageous circumstances. 

Gen. Jackson established his head-quarters at 
Nashville, where he was constantly receiving the 
most unequivocal evidence of the gratitude of his 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


countrymen. Minute details are incompatible with 
-the limits of this work ; otherwise the reader might 
be furnished with the proceedings of various legis¬ 
latures, in passing votes of thanks, expressed in the 
strongest terms of approbation. A vote of thanks, 
although unaccompanied with any pecuniary favour, 
is, to a disinterested patriot, the highest reward he 
can receive. The legislature of Tennessee, were 
amongst the first to manifest their respect for the 
character and achievements of Gen. Jackson. 
They passed a vote of thanks, and presented him 
with a gold medal. They could not forget his gal¬ 
lant associates, Gen. Coffee, and Carroll, to whom 
they presented elegant swords. 

A British parliament, when it bestows the title of 
a duke, also drains the treasury, to purchase a duke¬ 
dom for the ennobled subject, and compels the hum¬ 
ble subjects to refund it, by imposing exhorbitant 
taxes. The American government, although just 
to its distinguished citizens and soldiers, cannot be 
generous at the expence of the whole of them. 
Gen. Washington, in the first war between the 
Republic and Britain, thought nothing of pecunia¬ 
ry reward, nor did Gen. Jackson in the second ; but 
the one could not have been, and the other cannot 
he, indifferent to the grateful applause of indepen¬ 
dent and protected Americans. 

Although Gen. Jackson, in early life felt little 
solicitude far the accumulation or preservation of 
wealth, he nevertheless, after he commenced bush 

24 


278 


MEMOTRS OF 


ness at Nashville, acquired by industry, and saved 
by frugality, a tine real estate, delightfully situated 
upon the bank of the Cumberland river. To this 
he might have retired, had he left the service, and 
have enjoyed an elegant independence. He might 
have surveyed his tenements and fertile tields, and 
have exclaimed, with exquisite delight, “ these 
were acquired by my labour—these were defend¬ 
ed by my valour, and here I can enjoy domestic fe¬ 
licity in safety.” But although the Republic was 
at peace with all the world, it could not dispense 
'with the military services of this great Command¬ 
er. He was retained in the service, not like a 
pensioned duke, with a numerous pensioned reti¬ 
nue, to excite the unmeaning admiration of a de¬ 
graded peasantry, but to perfect a military system 
for his country. The division assigned to his com¬ 
mand. is larger than half of Europe, and requires 
the most consummate skill in the commander, to 
place it in a situation to repel future invasions. 

Late in the autumn of 1815, Gen. Jackson re¬ 
paired, for the first time since the declaration of 
war, to the seat of government. Upon his passage 
thither, he received that marked attention, which 
a grateful and an admiring people bestow, upon a 
distinguished benefactor. Although in time of war 
he avoided all parade and ceremonies inconsistent 
with the imperious demands of dut} r , yet he could 
not, at this period, avoid a compliance with the 
wishes of* Ills countrymen, to mingle with their gal 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


279 


iant defenders, nor could he avoid a reciprocation 
of their civilly and hospitality. 

At Lynchburgh, in Virginia, a public dinner was 
given him, at which the philosopher of Monticello, 
Thomas Jefferson, was present. The veneration 
that was excited by the presence of the American 
Statesman, could hardly restrain the enthusiasm 
produced by the presence of the American Hero 
Although far removed from the deeply interesting 
scenes of Gen. Jackson’s military operations, the 
people of this place and its vicinity, duly apprecia¬ 
ted his exalted merit. Toasts have been said tc* 
discover the undisguised sentiments of the people ; 
and it is presumed the toasts given upon this occa ¬ 
sion, in reference to Gen. Jackson,by Mr.Jefferson, 
will be cordially assented to, by every American— 

“ Honour and gratitude to the man who has 
fil .ed the measure of his country’s honour.’' 

Upon this occasion, the general, knowing that 
the country he had defended was acquired by nego- 
ciation , by the same man who had so essentially 
aided him in protecting it, gave for a toast— 

“ James Monroe.” 

Upon his arrival at Washington, he was received 
with that dignified affability, and cordial affection, 
for which the President and the heads of the sev¬ 
eral departments are distinguished. No ostenta¬ 
tious parade, better calculated to repress than to 
elicit, the feelings of the heart, was displayed up¬ 
on the occasion. The civil fathers of the Republic 


MEMOIRS OF 


2m 

saw before them a soldier, who had supported in 
the field the measures they had devised in the 
cabinet. Respecting, and respected, they mutally 
congratulated each other, upon the successful ter¬ 
mination of their arduous labours-. In surveying 
the city, the effects of Vandal warfare, were visible 
in the barbarous ravages of a British army. He 
saw the ruins of the Capitol and the President’s 
house, and knew that it was in open violation of 
the principles of civilized warfare that it was 
produced. He must have rejoiced that a Pakenham 
was prevented from leaving such tracks of desola¬ 
tion in New-Orieans, as a Ross had in Washington. 

At all the public parties which the general attend¬ 
ed at Washington, at Georgetown, and at other pla¬ 
ces in the vicinity, he shewed, that although in 
time of war, a soldier must be as a lion to his ene¬ 
mies, he could, in time of peace, be a lamb to his 
friends—that he could, “ smooth the wrinkled front” 
of the soldier, and enjoy the “ lulling tune of the 
lute.” At the table, he could enjoy the luxuries it 
afforded, with the elegance of the gentleman—at 
a levee, or a drawing-room, could reciprocate the 
civilities he received, and in the ball-room, could r 
if he chosed, display the refined accomplishments 
of the courtier. Mrs. Jackson accompanied her* 
husband to Washington ; and every where received 
that distinguished respect, which her own merit, as 
well as admiration for the general, induced every 
one to bestow. 


ANDRE.W JACKSON* 


281 


But amidst the fascinating blandishments of re- 
hned society, and the alluring charms of elegant 
amusements, he never forgat his duty to his coun¬ 
trymen. More than one half of one of the largest na¬ 
tions in the world, in point of territory, had been 
assigned to his command. Although the olive 
branch of peace, waved over his country, where 
the clarion of war had, for a long time, assailed 
the ears of his countrymen, he never remitted his 
exertions to secure, in time of peace, by efficient 
regulations and necessary establishments, the rights 
and blessings that had been defended by the sword. 

It is inconsistent with the design of these me ¬ 
moirs, to give a minute detail of all the interesting 
scenes through which Gen. Jackson passed, in 
his extensive private intercourse with the most ex¬ 
alted, as well as the middling classes of society. 
A Boswell might swell the life of a Johnson to 
three octavos, by telling the world how the ‘-^gi¬ 
ant of literature” dressed upon particular days—- 
upon what days he drank wine with his friends— 
cream with his coffee, and enriched his bunns with 
butter. Gen. Jackson’s life is interspersed with in¬ 
cidents more interesting to his countrymen, than 
such events ; and it is presumed they will be more 
interested in the detail of them. 

In the spring of 1816, Gen. Jackson repaired to 
the great scene, of his military operations, New-Or- 
leans. It is utterly impossible to give the reader any 
conception of the rapture of the people, in again 


28*2 


31EM0IRS OF 


seeing in the bosom of the city, the man who 
had saved it from carnage and destruction—it? 
sons from murder, and its daughters from wanton 
violation. After the scenes of cordial congratula¬ 
tion were passed, he immediately reviewed the 
troops—examined minutely into the police of the 
camp, and finding the troops unhealthy, resolved 
to have them removed to the Alabama Territor\ 
which was soon after effected. 

Although the health and comfort of troops, is 
a primary object with a commander, yet in addi¬ 
tion to this consideration, Gen. Jackson, consider¬ 
ed, from former experience, that the most endan¬ 
gered part of the 44 Division of the South,” was 
that which bordered upon the Spanish provinces 
of Florida, in w hich the Alabama and Seminole 
Indians were embosomed. He was aware that the 
stationing of American troops upon their borders, 
would tend to restrain their barbarity ; and that 
they could more promptly be punished when com¬ 
mitted. Subsequent events, shewed the wusdom oi 
this measure. 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


ooo 

Am W 


CHAPTER XX. 

Ten. Jackson negociates a treaty for extinguishment of 
Indian titles to land—Issues an order relative to this sub¬ 
ject—Receives a silver vase from the Ladies of South 
Carolina, &c .—Returns to Nashville—Issues an impor¬ 
tant general order—Prepares to defend his Division— 
Commencement of Seminole War—Gen. Gaines attacks 
the Seminoles—Gen. Jackson-addresses theTennessee 
Volunteers”—repairs to Georgia—and enters with his 
army into Florida—Justification of that measure—he 
captures St. Marks. 

GEN. JACKSON, having discharged the impor¬ 
tant dut)' - of regulating and stationing the army, in 
the southern section, of the Division of the South, 
he entered into negociation with the Chickasaw, 
Choctaw, Cherokee, and Creek Indians. The 
ebject of the negociation, was to obtain from them, 
the absolute relinquishment of all the claim they 
pretended to have to lands, within the limits of 
the United States, and which had previously been 
ceded by them. This measure evinced, in a s’ig-*- 
nal manner, the moderation of the American gov¬ 
ernment toward the natives. Although the ter¬ 
ritory had before been obtained, first by conquest, 
after a sanguinary war, occasioned by the savages 
themselves, and afterwards by treaty with them, 
by which they acknowledged their gratitude to 
the government for permitting them to retain any 
territory, yet, to pacify them completely, for the 
diminution of their limits, and to extinguish their 


MEMOIRS OF 


284 

title, Gen. Jackson, engaged, in behalf of his gov¬ 
ernment, to pay the Creeks, $ 10,000 a year, for 
ten years ; and the Cherokees, $ 10,000 a year for 
eight years. 

Having accomplished this important measure, 
Gen. Jackson repaired to Huntsville, in the State 
of Mississippi, and upon the 8 th of October, publish* 
ed an order which was sanctioned by the govern¬ 
ment, by which all citizens of the United States, 
were enjoined to abstain from all encroachments 
upon Indian lands, and ordered such as had, to he 
removed in a limited number of days. Although 
tills might operate hard upon individuals who had 
acted under misapprehension, yet it was doing 
that justice and equity to savages, which the Ameri¬ 
can government lias always extended to them ; and 
it rendered still more secure the frontiers of 
Mississippi, Tennessee, and Georgia. 

During this season, Gen. Jackson received a 

o 7 

manifestation of respect from the u Ladies of South 
Carolina,” his native state, which must have been 
peculiarly grateful to his feelings. They presented 
him, through Col. Haynes, and Maj. Gadsden, with 
a splendid silver vase, elevated upon a pedestal. 
The figures attached to it, are emblematical of the 
country’s glory, and of the glory of “ the man of 
new-or leans.” Upon one side of it, a striking 
representation of the great battle, and an inscrip¬ 
tion, “ eighth January, 1815”—upon the other 

“ TRESENTED BY THE LADIES OF SOUTH CAROLINA. T-C 


ANDREW JACKSON- 


285 

.JrtJOH-GENERAL ANDREW JACKSON.” The gift WaS 
worthy of the receiver—worthy of the givers—* 
u or ^ J 7 oi descendants of the patriotic matrons 
't South Carolina, who, in the gloomy period of 
the revolution, added lustre to their characters, by 
exercising a benevolence, as boundless as the wants 
of their assailed countrymen. The toils, the .Aef. 
and the death, of the venerable mother of Andrew 
■Jackson, cannot be forgotten.* 

At about the same time, the general received 
another present, although less splendid, equally 
appropriate. A boot manufacturer of Pittsburgh, 
presented him with an elegant and superb pair of 
military boots. He received them with great affa¬ 
bility, and reciprocated the civility with his usual 
cordiality. The presentation of a pair of 'woollen 
stockings, to the Emperor Alexander, when at Lon¬ 
don, suitable for the frigid climate in which he 
reigns was received with all the condescension which 
the head of the allied sovereigns could bestow upon 
a peasant. 

In October, 1820, Gen. Jackson returned to Ms 
head quarters at Nashville, Tenn. It has long 
been his happiness, when returning to the place of 
his residence, from the discharge of civil and mili¬ 
tary duties abroad, to have, in his absence, raised 
an additional claim to the gratitude and admiration 
of his fellow-citizens. The treaty he had recently 

* Vide Chap. I. Page 27. 


286 


MEMOIRS OF 


made with the Indians, was most peculiarly advan¬ 
tageous to the people of Tennessee, as it diminish¬ 
ed, and almost allayed the apprehensions of the 
people, from all future fears of Indian warfare. 

Having become perfectly familiarized with the 
necessary regulation and police of an army, his at¬ 
tention was almost exclusively devoted to the in¬ 
troduction of them into the American army. In 
the spring of 1817, he issued the following general 
order, which has been the subject of severe ani¬ 
madversion, from some distinguished officers in the 
army, and of approbation from others. 

DIVISION ORDER. 

Adjutant-General’s Office, H. Q. Division of the South. 

Nashville, April 22, HI 17. 

The commanding general considers it due to 
the principles of subordination, which ought, and 
must exist in an army, to prohibit the obedience 
of any order emanating from the department oi 
War, to officers of this division, who have re¬ 
ported and been assigned to duty, unless coming 
through him, as the proper organ of communica¬ 
tion. The object of this order, is to prevent the 
recurrence of a circumstance, which removed an 
important officer from the division without the 
knowledge of the commanding general, and in¬ 
deed, when he supposed that officer, engaged in 
his official duties, and anticipated hourly the re¬ 
ceipt of his official reports, on a subject of great 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


287 


"importance to his co inland ; also to prevent the 
topographical reports from being made public 
through the medium of the newspapers, as was 
done in the case alluded to. thereby enabling the 
enemy to obtain the benefit of all our topographical 
researches, as soon as the general commanding, 
who is responsible for the division. Superiour offi¬ 
cers, having commands assigned them, are held re¬ 
sponsible to the government, for the character and 
conduct of that command ; and it might as well be 
justified in an officer, senior in command, to give or¬ 
ders to a guard on duty, without passing that order 
through the officer of that guard, as that the 
Department of War, should countermand the ar¬ 
rangements of commanding generals, without giving 
their order through the proper channel. To ac¬ 
quiesce in such a course, would be a tame surren¬ 
der of military rights and etiquette ; and at once 
subvert the established principles of subordination 
and good order. Obedience to the lawful com¬ 
mands of superiour officers, is constitutionally and 
morally required : but there is a chain of commu¬ 
nication that binds the military compact, which, 
if broken, opens the door to disobedience and 
disrespect, and gives loose to the turbulent spirits, 
who are ever ready to excite mutiny. All physi¬ 
cians, able to perforin duty, who are absent on 
furlough, will forthwith repair to their respective 
posts. Commanding officers of regiments and corps, 
are ordered lo report specially , all officers absent 


MEMOIRS OJ 


from duty, on the 30th of June next, and their 
cause of absence. The army is too small to tole¬ 
rate idlers, and they will be dismissed the service. 
By order of Maj . Gen. Jackson. 

(Signed) ROBERT BUTLER. 

Adjutant General. 

'Until the commencement of the last war, the 
American Republic could hardly be said to have 
had a practical military system. From the conclu¬ 
sion of the war of the revolution, to that period, 
it had, indeed, a small military force ! but they 
were scattered, in small sections, through an im¬ 
mense country, and but little of a systematic or¬ 
ganization, or of regular subordination, was to be 
discerned. The collisions that unhappily subsist¬ 
ed in the army, and between the army and the 
War Department, in the campaigns of 1812, and 
1-813, evince the justice of the remark. It requir¬ 
ed the energy of a Monroe, in the last, and of a 
Jackson, Brown, Macomb, Gaines, Scott, Rip¬ 
ley, &c. in the first, to give efficiency and system 
to the physical power of the country, when called 
into action. The preceding general order of the 
Commander in Chief of the Division of the South, 
as inserted, not for the purpose of discussing its 
merits. It would be arrogance in the writer to 
attempt it. That subject more properly belongs 
to the accomplished officers of the army, than tc 
■the unassuming biographer. 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


28$ 


Gen. Jackson, with that vigilance which always 
characterizes a great commander, extended his 
views through the whole of his immensely extensive 
division ; but he was fully aware from whence the 
greatest, or rather, the most immediate danger was 
to be apprehended. He was well acquainted with 
Spanish perfidy, and had once carried the Ameri¬ 
can arms to the capital of their North American 
possessions, and terrour into the heart of an effemi¬ 
nate, though vindictive minister of the imbecile, 
though tyrannical Ferdinand VII. The sparing 
mercy of the American government, was extended 
to him and to his nation, from the most solemn as¬ 
surances, that the treaty existing between the Amer¬ 
ican and Spanish governments, should be inviola¬ 
bly kept, and faithfully executed. Without allu¬ 
ding to other articles, and other violations, it is 
sufficient for the present purpose to state, that one 
article of this treaty provides, that the Spanish gov¬ 
ernment, shall wholly restrain the savages within 
the limits of their possessions in North America, 
from depredations of every kind upon the citizens 
of the United States. In the preceding parts of this 
work, the conduct of Manrequez, the then Spanish 
governour, has been unfolded. Conduct equally 
flagrant in outrage, was pursued by the Spanish 
authorities, after the conclusion of peace between 
America and Great Britain, as was pursued during 
the last war. So far from restraining the hostile 
savages from committing depredations upon the 

25 


MEMOIRS OF 


^90 

territory, and murder upon the persons of American 
citizens, they were encouraged to the perpetration 
of these deeds, by the officers and emissaries of 
Spain. 

No thanks are due from Americans to the Span¬ 
ish authorities of Florida, for the peace which has 
subsisted for a considerable period, between the 
government and people of the American Republic ; 
and the Choctaw , Creek , Cherokee, and Chickasaw 
tribes of Indians : nor will these brave and infatu¬ 
ated sons of the forest, thank them for stimulating 
them to warfare, against a magnanimous nation, 
whose prowess, directed by the courage and wisdom 
of Gen. Jackson, has conquered them into a peace, 
advantageous to themselves— advantageous, because 
the sacred regard to justice, which is the leading 
characteristic of the American government, will 
inviolably regard it. These tribes, from the most 
correct information, could bring into the field, in 
1817, 10,000 warriors : but none of them, except 
the disaffected, who had, by the seduction of for¬ 
eign emissaries, joined the Seminoles , raised the 
hatchet against Americans. . 

The Seminole Indians are not a “ legitimate ” 
tribe of native Americans. They are an associa¬ 
tion of desperados, who have been banished from 
other tribes, and who have drawm into their confede¬ 
racy, many runaway negroes, whose African sul¬ 
lenness,' has been aroused to - indiscriminate ven¬ 
geance, by the more frantic fury of the American 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


291 

natives. It was from this desperate clan of out¬ 
laws, from civil, and even from savage society, that 
the Spanish authorities expected to see the Ameri¬ 
can settlements, upon the borders of Florida, de¬ 
vastated, and the settlers slain ! 

The British government, since the treaty of 
peace negociated at Ghent, had been more cautious 
in arming, disciplining, and driving savages into 
war with Americans, than it had previously been ; 
but two of its subjects by the names of Arbuthnot 
and Ambristers had long been executing, under the 
specious pretext of carrying on merchandize , the 
wishes of the enemies of the American Republic. 
To conceal their depravity, they may have furnish¬ 
ed the Seminole Indians with some few articles of 
clothing : but the principal articles of their traffic, 
were knives , hatchets, muskets, rifles, balls, and 
powder. 

Fromtheyear 1814tol817, this ferocious clan 
of American savages, and African negroes, com¬ 
mitted many depredations and wanton murders, in 
the American settlements. Gen. Edmund P. Gaines , 
the next in command to Gen. Jackson in the Divi¬ 
sion of the South, was stationed in the vicinity of 
these outrages. In a communication which would 
grace this, or any other volume, but which is re¬ 
luctantly omitted, he portrayed the open violences 
of the savages, and the insidious wickedness oi 
Spanish and British emissaries, in a manner not to 
be disregarded. He was stationed at Fort Scott . 


292 


MEMOIRS OF 


. and had with him but part of the 7th Regiment oi 
U. S. infantry. He however immediately put his 
forces in motion against them, although wholly in¬ 
competent, from deficiency in amount, to cop© with 
the immense host of savages that surrounded him, 
and his little gallant force. He demanded a sur¬ 
render of the murderers of American citizens. No 
answer was given but-savage defiance. No com¬ 
punctions were manifested for the innocent blood 
that stained them. Gen. Gaines, aware that patient 
sufferance of injuries from savages, forever in¬ 
creases their ferocity, proceeded against them— 
crossed the Flint River—dispersed them—destroy¬ 
ed Fomltown , and returned to Fort Scott. A nu¬ 
merous horde of desperate warriors, red and black, 
surrounded the fort, and entirely cut off the com¬ 
munication of the American forces. Appearan¬ 
ces indicated a repetition of the tragical scenes 
of Fort Mimms in Mississippi. The signal ven¬ 
geance inflicted upon the Creeks, by Gen. Jack- 
son, and his invincible array, probably occasioned 
the Seminoles to pause, before they “cast their 
lives upon a die.” 

General Gaines had called upon the executive 
of Georgia, whose state was more immediately 
endangered than any other, for immediate suc¬ 
cour. The miserable system of temporary draft¬ 
ing, had been adopted ; and before the troops 
could be brought to act efficiently, their term of 
service expired, and the small regular force was the 




ANDREW JACKSON. 293 

only reliance the frontier settlers had, as a protec¬ 
tion from devastation and massacre. A boat with 
40 passengers was taken upon Flint River, and 
every soul on board slain. Universal consternation 
prevailed ; and Gen. Gaines once more called 
upon the Georgia forces, 2000 of whom were de¬ 
tailed, and rendezvoused at Hartford, Geo. 

Gen. Jackson, as commander in chief, was again 
called upon, from a sense of duty, to take the field. 
Again were the £< Tennessee Volunteers,” by 
■heir beloved and almost adored general, exhorted 
to resume the armour of war, in the following ad¬ 
dress—“ Volunteers of West Tennessee —Once more, 
after a repose of three years, you are summoned to 
the field. Your country, having again need for your 
services, has appealed to your patriotism, and you 
have met it promptly. The cheerfulness with 
which you have appeared to encounter the hard¬ 
ships and perils of a winter’s campaign, affords the 
highest evidence of what may be expected of you, 
in the hour of conflict and trial. 

The savages on your borders, unwilling to be at 
peace, have once more raised the tomahawk to 
shed the blood of our citizens, and already they are 
assembled in considerable force, to carry their mur¬ 
derous schemes into execution. Not contented 
with the liberal policy that has from time to time 
been shewn them, but yielding themselves victims 
ro foreign seducers, they vainly think to assail and 
conquer the country that protects them. Stupid 


294 


MEMOIRS OF 


mortals ! They have forgotten too soon the streams 
of blood their ill fated policy heretofore cost them. 
They have forgotten too, that but a short time since, 
conquered, and almost destroyed, they were only 
preserved by the mildness and humanity of that 
country, which they now oppose. The 3 r mu ^t now 
be taught, that however benevolent and humane 
that country is, she yet has sacred rights to protect, 
and with impunity, will not permit the butchery of 
her peaceable and unoffending citizens. 

Brave Volunteers !—The enemy you are going to 
contend with, you have heretofore met and fought. 
Vou have once done it, and can again conquer them. 
\ r ou go not to fight, but to be victorious ; remem¬ 
ber then, that the way to prove successful, is not b) 
being inattentive to the first duties of a soldier, but 
by bearing and executing with cheerfulness, the or¬ 
ders of guperiours, and being constantly mindful of 
the obligations you are under to your country and 
to yourself. Subordination and attention to disci¬ 
pline, are all-important and indispensable ; without 
them, nothing like system can be preserved, and 
this being wanted, nothing favourable can result. 
But in you, every confidence is reposed. Your 
general will not believe that brave men, who have 
30 promptly come forth at the call of their country, 
will withhold their assent to regulations which can 
alone assure them Safety'and success. Hardships 
and dangers are incident to war ; but brave men 
will bear them without murmuring or complaining. 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


295 


Knowing you to be such, no fears are entertained 
but that every duty imposed on you, will be met 
with promptness and cheerfulness. 

Your general goes before you to open the way, 
and prepare for your reception. Confiding in your 
diligence and exertions, he will expect your arrival 
at your destined point, without unnecessary delay— 
led by Col. Arthur P. PTaynes, an officer in whom he 
has every confidence. This being effected, he will 
place himself at your head, and with you share the 
dangers and hardships of the campaign.” 

The proud title and unfading laurles which these 
gallant sons of the Republic had acquired, would 
not suffer them to remain unmoved at an address 
from a chieftain, under whom they had acquired 
them. With a promptness that had ever signalized 
them, they repaired to their rendezvous, and, under 
the command of Col. Arthur P. Haynes, so often 
mentioned before/repaired to the point of destina¬ 
tion, at Fort Scott. 

Gen. Jackson, in January, 1818 , had repaired to 
Georgia, and had placed himself at the head of 
the Georgia militia. Situated in a country which 
affords but few materials for the subsistence of an 
army, he actually commenced a march of ten 
days through a wilderness, with only a pint of corn 
to each man per day ! He was also conscious, 
that a supply could not be relied upon at Fort 
Scott. But he knew the importance of celerity 
in the movement of an army, and the brilliancy 


236 


MEMOIRS OF 


of his achievements had hitherto depended much 
upon it. At Fort Scott, he formed a junction with 
the regular forces ; and upon the arrival of the 
Tennessee Volunteers, was prepared to make a 
sudden termination of the Seminole war. 

This tribe had not a solitary claim to compas¬ 
sion, excepting what arises from the consideration, 
that they were willing victims to Spanish and 
British machinations. Even their principal chief, 
Pepiticoxy, when asked the reason of his hostility 
against the American Republic, replied,—“ The 
government were always ready to do him justice , and 
to make peace with him; but that war was a fine 
manly exercise , in which he wished to practise his 
young men !!” Their 44 foreign seducers,” were 
ever ready to make them victims to their own in¬ 
fatuation. The same Col. Nicoll, of proclamation 
memory, and the same Capt. Woodbine , of no mem 
ory, but that of infamy, were found to be skulk¬ 
ing among the Seminoles, as they sneaked from 
Pensacola in the last war, after having exposed 
the feeble and impotent Manrequez, to the just 
vengeance of a magnanimous but insulted govern¬ 
ment. 

By the first week in March, 1818, the measures 
of Gen. Jackson, were determined upon ; and when 
fixed, Indian hostilty, Spanish intrigue, and Bri¬ 
tish perfidy, might as well divorce the sun from 
the ecliptic, as to divert him from their accom¬ 
plishment. lie had been compelled, in avenging 


ANDREW JACKSON, 


297 


the injuries of his country, to make the brave, 
infatuated, and misguided Creeks bleed at every 
pore. Although the Seminoles had less claim to 
compassion, yet this great commander was aware 
that they were also misled ; but upon them, as 
open aggressors, his power was Jirst to operate, 
and then , upon their misleaders. He Was deter¬ 
mined to strike at the root of the evil ; and, if pos¬ 
sible, to remove it. 

Minute details might be entered into, and they 
might gratify minute curiosity ; but it is sufficient 
to say, that Gen. Jackson, marched with his for¬ 
ces through a country, in which the savages had 
every advantage, from their acquaintance with it, 
and from its better adaption to savage, than to civ¬ 
ilized warfare. Like the powerful representative 
of a great people, he determined to punish the 
guilty wherever found, and to spare the innocent, 
where innocence was evinced. He passed through 
that part of the American territory, occupied by 
the Seminoles : and they either fell, or retired 
before him and his gallant followers. He reached 
the borders of Florida, upon 10th March. Know¬ 
ing that geographical boundaries, were not the 
boundaries of right and wrong, and determining 
to penetrate the darkest recesses of guilt, and pun¬ 
ish its instigators, he entered the Spanish province 
of Florida with his forces. 

Many of the countrymen of Gen. Jackson, have 
bestow’ed a liberal portion of censure upon him, 


298 


MEMOIRS OF 


for entering the territory of a power, with an ar¬ 
my, with whom the Republic was at peace While 
it is admitted, that Spain was ostensibly at peace 
with Americans, it must not be denied that; the 
Spanish authorities in Florida, were palpably vio¬ 
lating the treaty, by omitting to restrain the savages 
in their territory, from acts of hostility against 
them, and by encouraging the savages in commit¬ 
ting them. Should it be said that they were un¬ 
able to restrain them, from their own weakness, and 
from the superiority of the savages, it may be an¬ 
swered—every nation must perform their own 
treaty-stipulations, or suffer the consequences of 
a violation. Is not the plea of weakness, a fal¬ 
lacy, as it regards the Spanish treaty with Ameri¬ 
ca ? Is it to be said that one of the “ Allied Sove¬ 
reigns” of Europe, cannot restrain a single tribe 
of Indians from breaking his treaties ? A tenth 
part of the forces he has, for years, maintained 
in South America, vainly endeavouring to enslave 
the Patriots, and subject them to Spanish tyranny, 
the torture, and the Inquisition, might easily have 
restrained the Seminole Indians from depredations 
and murders, in the American settlements. 

Gen. Jackson had under his command, and of 
course, under his military protection, all that por¬ 
tion of the Republic which bounds upon the exten¬ 
sive province of Florida. He held himself, in a 
degree, accountable for every inch of territory, 
that was invaded, and every limb and life that was 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


299 


lost by the enemies of his country. He felt his 
ability to defend his extensive Division ; he knew it 
to be his duty ; and was conscious that his country 
expected it from him. He saw his countrymen mur¬ 
dered upon the frontiers, and the murderers protect¬ 
ed by a government which was solemnly pledg¬ 
ed to restrain the savages, who had committed 
them, from every act of hostility. It would have 
been but a pastime for these blood-seeking, despe¬ 
rate Seminoles, to have saturated themselves with 
the blood of American women and children, and 
merely to be driven to their homes in the forests of 
Florida, only to prepare to glut their vengeance 
by repeated feasts of innocent blood. Are the 
swamps and ravines of Florida, like the horns of 
ancient altars, a protection for murderers ? Ask 
the parents of slain innocents, whether this is the 
protection their government is pledged to extend 
to them. No matter what might have been the in- 
structions of the government to Gen. Jackson—No 
matter what may be the opinion of the fastidious 
civilian upon abstract questions of international 
law. The Spanish government had palpably vio¬ 
lated their treaty with America ; and if thirteen 
years more of negociation were to be spent, the 
Alabama Territory, the frontiers of Georgia, Ten¬ 
nessee, and Mississippi, will have presented a w ide 
spread scene of desolation, in which the bones of 
American citizens w r ould be found mingled with the 
ruins of their Sanitations, and the devastations of 

the country. 

*/ 


300 


MEMOIRS «F 


Gen. Jackson, like an ancient patriot, described 
by an ancient historian, is “ a man—a high-minded 
man, who knows his duty , and knowing , dares perform 
it.” He might have said, as his great and exalted 
friend, President Monroe did, when he entered the 
highest station filled by an human being—“ from 

A JUST RESPONSIBILITY I SHALL NEVER SHRINK.” 

He led his army into Florida. The confidence of 
ihe wretched Seminoles was converted to despair, 
and they fled in consternation before the apvenger 
cl their inhuman murders. He penetrated into the 
interiour of Florida, and captured Fort St. Marks , 
the dark scene of Spanish and British machinations, 
and the primum mobile of Indian carnage, and mas¬ 
sacre. The Spanish authorities protested against 
it, but conscious guilt unnerved their arms, and 
they dared not defend it by force. 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


301 


CHAPTER XXI. 

Gen. Jackson at Fort St. Marks, Florida—captures and exe¬ 
cutes Francis the Prophet, and an Indian Chief'—at the same 
place, takes Arbuthnot and Ambrister—details a general 
court-martial for their trial—Trial of Arbuthnot and Am¬ 
brister-—Remark—Gen. Jackson marches for Pensacola— 
captures it—-appoints Col. King to the command of it, and 
retires to Nashville, Tenn. 

GEN. JACKSON was now,(April, 1818,) in pos¬ 
session of the most important post in Florida, (if 
Pensacola be excepted ,)—Fort St. Marks. It is 
situated far in the interiour of that province, upon 
the river St. Marks ; has long been the theatre of 
the most nefarious designs, and the starting point 
from w T hich marauders, depredators, and murderers 
have taken their departure—certain of being wel¬ 
comed home, when plunder and scalps were brought 
with them. From this place, Gen. Jackson direct¬ 
ed his operations against the Seminoles, yet unsub¬ 
dued. An important town of their’s, by the name 
of Suwanney , thirty miles distant, w^as taken by a 
detachment of the army. The savages dispersed 
or surrendered, in every part of the country, and 
the war of defence against the Seminoles, was sud¬ 
denly brought to a close. 

By hoisting a British flag upon the fort, many hos¬ 
tile Indians entered the watercraft in the river, and 
were captured. Among them, w r ere a ferocious chief, 
and the Prophet Francis, whose murders, com¬ 
mitted and instigated, cannot all be mentioned. 
They suffered the reward of their diabolical wick- 

26 


30i 


MEMOIRS OF 


edness upon the gallows. The rest of the savage.-' 
were discharged. Francis had recently visited 
England ; and there was found in his possession, a 
general’s commission in the British army. 

At the same place w r ere taken the two British 
subjects before mentioned —Arbuthnot and Ambris- 
ter. The most conclusive evidence was furnished 
Gen. Jackson, that these men were, and for a long 
time had been, in open hostility against the Re¬ 
public. That they had furnished the Seminoles 
and negroes, with every species of deadly weapons, 
the better to enable them to carry on war against 
the Americans. That they had stimulated them 
to the commission of many of the murders that had 
been perpetrated by them, upon the defenceless 
citizens upon the frontiers ; and that they had 
rendered themselves subject to the most rigorous 
execution of vengeance against them, as violators of 
the acknowledged principles of the law o/ nations. 

Gen. Jackson, imitating the dignified moderation 
of the government, whose power he represented, 
detained them for trial, to give them an opportuni¬ 
ty to evince their innocence. A general court- 
martial was detailed, of thirteen members. The 
President of this court, was Maj. Gen Edmund P. 
Gaines, one of the most distinguished and accom¬ 
plished officers in the American, or any other 
service. The members consisted of officers of 
high reputation in the regular army and in the 
corps of volunteers. Every indulgence, consistent 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


303 


with the dignity of the proceeding, was extended 
to the arrested men ; and every opportunity af¬ 
forded them to make a full defence. After the 
most solemn deliberation, the court found them 
guilty of the articles and specifications exhibited 
against them, and ordered them to be executed. 
Gen. Jackson approved of the sentence ; and Ar- 
buthnot and Ambrister atoned with their lives, so 
far as two guilty lives could atone, for the murder 
of many innocent and worthy men ; many lovely 
and helpless women—-many weeping and beseech¬ 
ing children which had been instigated by them, 
and perpetrated by the most ferocious clan of infu¬ 
riated desperados that infest the earth.* 

These trials, these condemnations, and these 
executions have excited unmeaning clamour from 
some, and perhaps, as unmeaning applause from 
others. The wise advice “ first hear, and then 
judge,” seems to have been totally disregarded up¬ 
on this subject. But that every reader may have 
an opportunity of judging from proper authority, 
the trial of these ill-fated men is introduced into 
these Memoirs.! 

* To shew the unparalleled barbarism of the Seminole clan, 
:t need only be mentioned, that in June, 1818, Bull Heady 
Chief of the lower Seminoles, died ; and that, four of his 
finest plundered horses, and his favourite negro, were burn¬ 
ed on the occasion. 

t The trial of Arbuthnot and Ambrister, is here given, as 
laid before the Congress of the U. S. except a few letters 
of minor consequence, which were adduced in evidence; 
and from these every thing of importance is extracted, so 
that the spirit of the whole is retained. 


304 


memoirs of 


TRIAL OF ARBUTHNOT AND AMBRISTER 

AS TRANSMITTED BY THE PRESIDENT TO THE CON* 
GRESS OF THE UNITED STATES. 

Minutes of the proceedings of a special court organized agree¬ 
ably to the following order , viz. 

ADJUTANT GENERAL’S OFFICE, 

Fort St. Mark’s, 26th April, 1818. 
Head Quarters , Division of ike South . 
Geneal order —The following detail will compose a spe¬ 
cial court, to convene at this post at the hour of 12 o’clock, 
M. for the purpose of investigating the charges exhibited 
against A. Arbuthnot, Robert Christy Ambrister, and such 
others, who are similarly situated, as maybe brought before 
it. 

The court will record all the documents and testimony 
in the several cases, and their opinion as to the guilt or in¬ 
nocence of the prisoners, and what punishment, (if any) 
should be indicted. 

DETAIL. 

Major general E. P. Gaines , president. 

Col. King, 4th infantry, ^ f Col. Dyer, Ten- vol. 

Col. Williams, Ten. vol. ! S | Lt. Col. Lindsay, Cor. Ar. 

Lt. Col. Gibson, Ten. vol. ! 3 J Lt. Col. Elliot, Ten. vol. 
Maj. Muhlenberg, 4th, inf. f ^ J Maj. Fanning, Cor. Ar. 

Maj. Montgomery, 7th, inf. | 3 | Maj. Minton, Geo. Mili. 

Capt. Vashon, 7th, inf. J ^Capt, Crittenden, K’y vol. 
Lt. J. M. Glassel, 7th infantry, recorder. 

An orderly will be detailed from gen. Gaine’s brigade, and 
the court will sit without regard to hours. 

By order of major general Jackson, 

ROBERT BUTLER, Adj. Gen. 
Fort St. Marks , 26lh April, 1818. 
it The court convened pursuant to the foregoing order, when, 
being duly sworn, in the presence of the prisoner, and he 
being asked if he had any objections to any member there¬ 
of, and replying in the negative, the following charges and 
specifications were read, viz. 

Charges vs. A. Arbuthnot, now in custody, and who says he 

is a British subject : 

Charge \st —Exciting and stirring up the Creek Indiana 
to war against the United States, and her citizens, he (A, 
Arbii'hnot) being a subject of Great Britain, with whom 
the United States are at peace. 

t Specification-—' That the said A. Arbuthnot, between the 
months of April and July, or sometime in June, 1817, wrote 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


305 

a letter to the Little Prince, exhorting and advising him 
hot to comply with the treaty of fort Jackson, stating that 
the citizens of the United States were infringing on the trea- 
ty of Giient, and, as he believed, without the knowledge of 
the chief magistrate of the United States ; and advising the 
Upper and Lower Creeks to unite and be friendly, stating 
that William Hambly was the cause of their disputes ; also 
advising the Little Prince to write to the governor of New 
Providence, who would write to his royal highness the 
prince regent, through whom the United States would be 
called to a compliance with the treaty of Ghent, and advis¬ 
ing them not to give up their lands, under the treaty of fort 
Jackson, for that the American citizens would be compelled 
to give up to them all their lauds, under the treaty ofGhent. 

>Charge 2d —Acting as a spy, and aiding, abetting and 
comforting the enemy, supplying them with the means of 
war. 

Specification Isf—In writing a letter from the fort of St. 
Marks, dated 2d April, 1818, to his son John, at Suwany, 
(marked A.) detailing the advance of the army under Gen. 
Jackson, slating their force, probable movements, and in¬ 
tentions, to be communicated to Bowlegs, the chief of the 
Suwany towns, for his government. 

Specification 2d —In writing the letters marked B, with¬ 
out date, and C, with enclosures, 27th Jan. 1818, and D, 
called u a note of Indian talks,’’ and F., without date, apply¬ 
ing to the British government, through govei nor Cameron, 
f )r munitions of war. and assistance for our enemies ; mak¬ 
ing false representations; and also applying to Mr. Bagot, 
British Ambassador, for his interference, with a statement, 
on the back of one of the letters of munitions of war for the 
enemy. 

Charge 3 d —Exciting the Indians to murder and destroy 
William Hambly, and Edmund Doyl°, and causing their 
arrest, with a view to their condemnation to death, and the 
seizure of their property, on acc< unt of theiractive and zeal¬ 
ous exertions to maintain peace between Spain, the United 
States and the Indians, they being citizens of the Spanish 
government. 

Specification 1 st —In writing the letters marked F, dated 
26tii August, 1817, G, dated 13th May, 1817, and H, 
threatening them wiih death, alledging against them false and 
infamous charges, and using every means in his power to 
procure their arrest. All winch writings and sayings excit- 

2G* 


306 


MEMOIRS OF 


ed, and had c\ tendency to excite, the negroes and Indians 
to acts of hostility against the United States. 

By order of the court, 

J. M. GLASSEL, Recorder. 

To which charges and specifications the prisoner pleaded 
>Yo/ Guilty. 

The prisoner having made application for counsel, it was 
granted him ; when the court proceeded to the examination 
of the evidence. 

John Winslett, a witness on the part of the prosecution, 
being duly sworn, stated, that, some time before last July, 
the Little Prince received a letter signed by a Mr. Arbulh- 
not, advising the upper part of the nation to unite Vvith the 
lower chiefs in amity ; and stating, the best mode for them 
to repossess themselves of their lands, would be to write to 
him (Arbuthnot) and he would send their complaints to the 
governor of Providence, whence it would be forwarded to 
his Britannic majesty, and he would have the terms of the 
treaty of Ghent attended to. He moi cover stated his belief, 
that the encroachments on the Indian lands were unknown 
to the president of the United States. The witness also 
identified the signature of the prisoner in a letter to his son 
marked A, and referred to in the first specification, in the 
second charge, and heretofore noted, as the same with that 
sent to the Little Prince. 

The witness on being further interrogated, stated the lan¬ 
guage of the letter alluded to, to be, that the British govern¬ 
ment on application would cause to be restored to them their 
lands they held in 1811, agreeably to the terms of the treaty 
of Ghent. 

Question by the prisoner.—W ho is the Little Prince , 
he known by any other name ? 

Jins. He is known by the name of Tuslenukke IJopiD, 
and is the second chief of the nation. 

Question by the prisoner .—Where is the letter you allude 
to, or in whose possession ? 

A ns. It was left in the possession of the Little Prince 
when 1 last saw it. 

Question by the prisoner .—II as this Little Prince no other 
name than what you state? 

A n't. Not that 1 know of. 

Question by Ike prisoner .—Do you swear that the letter 
alluded to was addressed to the Litile Prince ? 

Ans. I do not. It was presented to me by the Little 
Prrnce to read and interpret for him, which 1 did. 

Question by the prisoner ,—Are you certain that the letter 

# 


ANDREW JACKSON, 


307 


stated that the chief magistrate of the United States could 
have no knowledge of settlements made on Indian lands or 
injuries committed ? 

Ans. The letter stated that to be the belief of the writer. 

John Lewis Phenix, a witness on the part of the prosecu* 
tion being duly sworn, stated with regard to the 1st specifi¬ 
cation of the 2d charge, that being at Suwany in the towrn 
about the 6th or 7th of April, he was awakened in the morn¬ 
ing by Mr. Ambrisfer’s receiving, by the hands of a negro, 
who got it from an Indian, a letter from St. Marks, at that 
time stated by Ambrister to be from the prisoner. 

Question by the prisoner .—Did you see that letter or hear 
it read ? 

A ns. I did see the paper, but did not hear it read. 

Question by the prisoner .—Did you state that the letter 
was received by an Indian express ? 

Ans. So the black man that delivered it said. 

A question being raised by a member of the court as to 
the jurisdiction on the third charge and its specification, the 
doors were closed, and, after mature deliberation, they de¬ 
cided that this court are incompetent to take cognizance of 
the offences alledged in that charge and specification. 

Peter B. Cook, a former clerk to the prisoner, and a wit¬ 
ness on the part of the prosecution, being duly sworn, stated 
that about December or January last, the prisoner had a 
large quantity of pow r der and lead brought to Suwany in his 
vessel, which he sold to the Indians and negroes, that, subse¬ 
quent to that time, when he cannot recollect, Ambrister 
brought for the prisoner in his (the prisoner’s) vessel, nine 
kegs of powder and a large quantity of lead, which was tak¬ 
en possession of by the negroes. The witness also identified 
to the following letters, referred to in the foregoing charges 
and specifications, marked A, B, C, D, E, F, G, and H, as 
being the prisoner’s hand writing; also the power of attor¬ 
ney No. 1, granted by the Indians to A. Arbuthnot. 

A. 

From A. Arbuthnot to his son, John Arbuthnot , dated Fort 
St. Marks, c Zd April , 1818, 9 o'clock in the morning. 
Dear John, 

AS I am ill able to write a long letter, it is necessary to 
be brief. Before my arrival here the commandant had re¬ 
ceived an express from the governor of Pensacola, informing 
him of a large embarkation of troops, &c. under the imme¬ 
diate command of general Jackson ; and the boat that 
brought the despatch reckoned eighteen sail of vessels off 


308 


MEMOIRS OF 


Appalachicola. By a deserter that was brought here by the 
Indians, the commandant was informed that 3,000 men, 
under the orders of general Jackson, 1,000 foot and 1,600 
horse> under general Gaines, 500 under another general, w r ere 
at Prospect Bluff, where they are rebuilding the burnt fort ; 
that 1000 Indians, of different nations, were at Spanish Bluff, 
building another fort, under the direction of American offi-# 
cers ; that so soon as. these forts were built they intended to 
march. They have commenced- Yesterday morning ad¬ 
vice was received that they had appeared near-and 

taken two of the sons of M’Queen, and an Indian. Late 
in the afternoon, three schooners came to anchor at the 
mouth of the river, and this morning the American flag 
is seen flying on the largest. 

I am blocked here; no Indians will come with me, and 
1 am now suffering from the fatigue of coming here alone. 

The main drift of the Americans is to destroy the black 
population of Suwany. Tell my friend Boieck, that it: i9 
throwing away his people, to attempt to resist such a pow¬ 
erful force as will be drawn on 8ahwahnee ; and as the 
trooos advance by land, so will the vessels by sea. Endeav¬ 
or to get all the goods over the river in a place of security, 
as also the skins of all sorts ; the corn must be left to its 
fate. So soon as the Sahwahnee is destroyed, I expect the 
Americans will be satisfied and retire : this is only my opin¬ 
ion, but I think it is conformable to the demand made by 
Gen. Gaines to king Ilatchy some months since : in fact, do 
all you can to save all you can save, the books particularly. 
It is probable the commandant will receive some communi¬ 
cation from the vessels to day, when he wiil know more 
certainly what are their motives in coming off the fort. I 
think it is only to shut up the passage to the Indians. Twen¬ 
ty canoes went down yesterday, and were forced to return,. 
The road between this and Mickasucky is said to be stop¬ 
ped. Iliilisajo and Himathlo Mico were here last night, to 
hear what vessels : they will remove all their cattle and ef¬ 
fects across St. Mark’s river this morning, and perhaps wait 
near thereto for the event. 

I have been as brief as 1 can to give you the substance of 
what appears facts, that cannot be doubted, to enter into 
details in the present moment is useless. If the schooner is 
returned, get all the goods on board of her, and let her start 
off for Mounater creek, in the bottom of Cedar Key bay. 
You will there only have the skins to hide away. But no 
delay must take place, as the vessels will, no doubt, follow 
the land army, and perhaps, even now, some have gone 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


309 

round. I pray your strictest attention, for the more that is 
saved will be, eventually, more to your interest. Let the 
bearer have as much calico as will make him two shirts, for 
his trouble : he has promised to deliver this in three, but I 
give him four days. 

I am yours, affectionately, 

A. ARBUTHNOT. 

B. 

From A. Arbuthnot to Chas. Cameron , Gov. Bahamas. 

Sir—Being empowered by the chiefs of the Lower Creek 
nation to represent the state of their nation to your excellen¬ 
cy, that you may be pleased to forward the same for the in¬ 
formation of his majesty’s government, to whom alone they 
look for protection against the aggressions and encroach¬ 
ments of the Americans, I beg leave to suhmit to your ex¬ 
cellency the enclosed representations, humbly praying that 
your excellency will be pleased to take an early opportuni¬ 
ty of forwarding the same to Great Britain. 

I am instructed by Bowleck, chief of the Sahwahnee, to 
make the demand herein enclosed, he never having had any 
share of the presents distributed at Prospect bluff, though he 
rendered equally essential services as any of the other chiefs 
to the British cause, while at war with America, and was at 
New-Orleans with a part of his warriors. Mis frontiers be¬ 
ing more exposed to the predatory incursions of the back 
Georgians, who enter his territory and drive off his cattle, 
he is obliged to have large parties out, to watch their mo¬ 
tions, and prevent their plundering. And, being now defi¬ 
cient of ammunition, he prays your excellency will grant his 
small demand, humbly submitting the same. 

I have the honor to beyour excellency’s most humble ser¬ 
vant, A. A. 

The humble representations of the chiefs of the Creek nation 
to his excellency Gov. Cameron. 

First, we beg leave to represent, that Edmund Doyle and 
William*llambly, lately clerks, at Prospect Bluff, to Messrs. 
Forbes, &c. and who still reside on the Appalachicola river, 
we consider as the principal cause of our present Doubles 
and uneasiness. Hambly was the instrumental cause of the 
fort at Prospect Bluff being destroyed by the Americans, by 
which we lost the supplies intended for our future wars. 
Since then, both these men have kept their emissaries among 
us, tending to harass and disturb our repose, and that of 
our brethren of the middle and upper nation ; they spread 


310 


MEMOIRS OP 


among us reports that the Cowetas, aided by the Americans, 
are descending to drive us off our land ; they equally propa¬ 
gate false. 

C. 

From A. Arbuthnot to Benj. Moodie , Esq, enclosing letters 

to Charles Bagot, Esq. British Minister at Washington. 

Sahwahnee, in the Creek Nation^ *11 th Jan. 1813. 

Sir.—The enclosed, containing matter of serious moment, 
and demanding the immediate attention of his excellency 
the British ambassador, 1 trust he will, for thvs time, forgive 
the trifling expense of postage, which 1 have endeavored to 
prevent as much as possible, by compressing much matter in 
one sheet of paper. Should you, sir, be put to any trouble 
or expense, by this trouble 1 give you, by being made ac¬ 
quainted with the same, 1 will instruct Bain, Dunshee and 
Oo. to order payment of the same. I have the honor to be, 
sir, your most obedient, humble servant^ 

A. ARBUTHNOT. 

From A. Arbuthnot to the Hon. Charles Bagot. 

Sir—It is with pain I again obtrude myself upon your ex¬ 
cellency’s notice, but the pressing solicitations of the chiefs 
of the Creek nation, and the deplorable situation in which 
they are placed by the wanton aggressions of the Americans, 

I trust, your excellency will take as a sufficient apology for 
the present intrusion. 

In August last, the head chief of the Seminole Indians re¬ 
ceived a letter from gen. Gaines, of which 1 have taken the 
liberty of annexing your excellency the contents, as deliver¬ 
ed me by the chief’s head English interpreter, with king 
Hahhy’s reply thereto. 

This letter appears to have been intended to sound the 
disposition of the chief, and ascertain the force necessary to 
overrun the nation; for, from then until the actual attack 
was made on Fowl Town, the same general, with gen. Jack- 
son, seem to have been collecting troops and settling in va¬ 
rious quarters. 

If your excellency desires to have further information re¬ 
specting the situation of this country and its inhabitants. I 
can, from time to time, inform your excellency of such facts 
and circumstances as are stated to me by chiefs of knovtn 
veracity, or which may come under my own observation ; 
and your excellency’s order, addressed to me at New Provi¬ 
dence, will either find me there or be forwarded me to this 
country. 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


31 i 


With great respect, I have the honour to be your excel¬ 
lency’s most obedient servant, A. A. 

The following memorandum was on the back of the fore¬ 
going letter : King Hahhy 1000, Boleck, 1500, Oso Hatjo 
Choctawhachy 500, llimashy Miso Chattehichy 600, at 
present with Hillisajo. At present under arms, 1000 and 
more ; and attacking those Americans who have made in¬ 
roads on their territory. 

A quantity of gun powder, lead, muskets, and flints, suf¬ 
ficient to arm 1000 or 2000 men; muskets 1000, arms smal¬ 
ler if possible ; 10,000 flints, a proportion for rifle, put up 
separate : 50 casks gun powder, a proportion for rifle ; 2000 
knives, 6 to 9 inch blade, good quality ; 1000 tomahawks ; 
100 lbs. vermillion ; 2000 lbs. lead, independent of ball for 
muskets. 

' (Signed) King HAHHY. 

(Signed) BOLECK. 

From general Gaines lo the Seminoly chief. 

To the Semino!}' chief: Your Seminoly’s are very had 
people; l don’t say whom. You have murdered many of 
my people, and stolen my cattle and many good horses, that 
cost me money ; and many good houses, that cost me mon¬ 
ey, you have burnt for me; and now that*you see my w ri¬ 
ting, you’ll think I have spoken right, f know it is so ; you 
know it is so ; for now you may say, I will go upon you at 
random ; but just give me the murderers, and I will shew 
them my law T , and w'hen that is finished and past, if you will 
come about any of my people, you will see your friends, and 
if you see me you will see your friend. But there is some¬ 
thing out in the sea; a bird with a forked tongue: whip 
him back before he lands, for he will be the ruin of you jet. 
Perhaps you do not know who or what I mean—-I mean the 
name of Englishmen. 

I tell you this, that if you do not give me up <he murder¬ 
ers w'ho have murdered my people. I say I have got good 
slron? warriors, with scalping knives and tomahawks. You 
harbour a great many of my black people among you, at 
Sahwahnee, If you ejve me leave to go by you against 
them, 1 shall not hurt any thing belonging to you, 

(Signed) GeneraL GAINES, 

From king IIatchy to general Gaines, in answer to the fore¬ 
going. 

To general Gaines: You charge me with killing your 
people, stealing your cattle, and burning your houses. It. is 


3 12 


memoirs of 


T that have cause to complain of the Americans. While out 
America,, has been justly killed, while in the act of steahng 
cattle, more than four Indians have been murdered uhile 
hunting, by these lawless freebooters, I harbour no ne¬ 
o-roes." When the Englishmen were at war with Ament a, 
some took shelter among them, and it is for you white peo¬ 
ple to settle these things among, yourselves, and not ti ou )Ie 
us with what we know nothing about, I shall use forte ^to 
sto! any armed Americans from passing my towns orrry 

lands. 

(Signed) 


King HATCHY. 


D. 


Note of Indian talks'' 

In August, Capp had a letter from general Gaines, in 
substance as annexed, No- 1, and returned tie answ 
a« by No. 2. Nothing further was said on either side. 
The end of October, a party of Americans, from a lor 

on Flint river, surrounded Fowl Town during the night, 

and began burning it. The Indians then in i>, e 
the swamps, and in their flight had three pereoB. kd- 
led by fire from the Americans : they rallied their ptopl , 
and forced the Americans to retire some distance, but no. 
before they had two more persons killed. Hie American! 
built a block-house or fort, where they had fallen back to, 
and immediately sent to the fort up the country for a ; s / s ‘ 
tance, stating the Indians were the aggressors; and a*, 
settled with Tohemock for the loss his people had suffer¬ 
ed, at the same time sending a talk to king Hate ry, >y 
a head man (Aping) that he would put thmgs m such 
a train as to present further encroachments, and get tho.e 
Americans to leave the fort. But no sooner was the good 
talk given, and before the bearer of it returned home, 
than hundreds of Americans came pouring down on the 
Indians ; roused them to a sense of their own danger : 
they flew to arms, and have been compelled to support 
them ever since. It is not alone from the country, hut 
by vessels entering Appalachicola river in vessels with 
troops, and settlers are pouring into the Indian territory ; 
and,' if permitted to continue, will soon overrun the whole 
of the Indian*lands. From the talk sent king Hatcny, 
by srovernour Mitchell, I am in hopes that those aggres¬ 
sions of the Americans on the Indian territory are no 
countenanced by the American government, but originate 
with men devoid of principle, who set laws and instruc- 


ANDREW JACjKSON,. 


313 


"tions at defiance, and stick at no cruelly and oppressions to 
obtain their-ends. Against such oppressions the American 
government must use not only all their influence, but, if ne¬ 
cessary, force, or their names will be handed down to pos¬ 
terity as a nation more cruel and savage to the unfortunate 
Aborigines of this country, than ever were the Spaniard^ 
ih more dark ages, to the nations of South America. 

The English government, as the special protectors of the 
Indian nations* and on whom alone they rely for assistance, 
ought to step forward and save those unfortunate people 
from ruin ; and as you, sir, are appointed to watch over 
their interests, it is my duty, as an Englishman, and the only 
one in this part of the Indian nation, to instruct you of the 
talks (he chiefs bring me for your information ; and I sin¬ 
cerely trust, sir, you will use the powers you are vested 
with, for the service and protection of those unfortunate 
people, who look up to you as their saviour. I have written 
to general Mitchell, who, 1 hear, is an excellent man ; and, as 
he acts as Indian agent, I hope his influence will stop the 
torrent of innovations, and give peace and quietness to the 
Creek nation. 

I pray your excellency will pardon this intrusion, which 
nothing but the urgency of the case, would have induced 
me to make. 

I have the honour to he your excellency’s most obedient 
servant, A. A. 

EXTRACT OF LETTER F. 

From A. Arbuthnot to Col. Nicholl. 

Nassau, N. P. 26th Aug. 1317. 

Lt. Col. Edward Nicholi—Sir, especially authorized by 
the chiefs of the lower Creek nation, whose names I affix to 
the present, I am desired to address you, that you may lay 
their complaints before his majesty’s government. They de¬ 
sire it to be made known, that they have explicitly followed 
your advice. They complain of the English government 
neglecting them, after having drawn them into a war with 
America ; that you, sir, have not kept your promise, in send¬ 
ing people among them, and that, if (hey have not some 
persons resident in the nation to watch over their interest 
they will soon be driven to the extremity of the peninsula. 
I am desired to return Hillisajo’s warmest acknowledg¬ 
ments for the very handsome manner you treated him in 
England, and he begs his prayer may he laid at the foot of 
his Royal Highness ttoe Prince Regent* I left him and all 


314 


MEMOIRS OF 


his family well on the 20th June. Old Cappachimicco de¬ 
sires me to send his best respects, and requests that you will 
send out some people to live among them, and all the land 
they took from Forbs shall be theirs. A all events they 
• must have an agent among them. The power given me and 
the instructions were to memorialize his jYiajesty’s govern¬ 
ment, as well as the Governor General ot the VJavarma; but 
if you will be pleased lo lay this letter before his Majesty s 
Secretary of State, it will save the necessity of the first, and 
I fear that a memorial to the Governor General wouid be oi 
no use. 

Refering you to the answer, I am, most respectfully, jour 
.obedient servant, A. ARBU1 UNO i. 

NO. 1. 

Power of attorney from Indian chiefs to A. Arbulhnot. 

Know all men by these presents, that we chiefs of the 
Creek nation, whose names are affixed to this power, having 
full faith and confidence in A . Arbuthnel, of New-Provi¬ 
dence, who, knowing all our talks, is fully acquainted with 
cur intentions and wishes, do hereby, by these presents, con¬ 
stitute and appoint him, the said Alexander A rbulhnot , our 
attorney and agent, with full power and authority to act for 
us, and in our names, in all affairs relating to our nation, and 
also to write such letters and papers as to him may appeal 
necessary and proper, for our benefit, and that of the Creek 

nation. . 

Given at Ocklocknee sound, in the Creek nation, this 17t.; 
day of June, one thousand eight hundred and seventeen. 

1. Cappachimaco, his X mark. 

2. Inlemohtlo, his X mark. 

3. Charles Tuckonoky, his X mark. 

4. Otus Mico, his X mark. 

5. Ochacone Tustonoky, his X mark. 

G. Imatchluele, his X mark. 

7. Inhimatcchucle, his X mark. 

0. Lohoe ltaraalchly, his X mark, 

9, Howrathle, his X mark. 

10. Hillisajo, his X in ;rk. 

It. Tainuches Idaho, his X mark. 

12. Oparthlomico, his X mark. 

Certified explanation of names and towns to which the 
foregoing chiefs belong, agreeably (o the numbers set oppo¬ 
site thereto, VV.M. HAMBLY- 


* 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


315 


B Kinhigee, chief of Mickasuky. 

2. Inhimarthlo, chief of Fowl Town. 

o. Charle Tustonoky, second chief of Ockmulgee Town. 

4. Chief on the Conholoway, below Fort Gaines. 

Opony, chief of Oakinulgee Towns. 

6. Chief of the Atlapalgas. 

7. Chief of Pallatchueoley. 

8. Chief of the Chehaws. 

9. Chief of the Red Sticks. 

10. Francis, (the Prophet.) 

11. Peter M‘Queen, chief of the Tall ah asses, (an old Reef 

Stick.) 

12. A Red Stick, created chief by the lower towns. 

Question by the court .—Have you at any time within the 
last twelve months, heard any conversation between the pris¬ 
oner and the chief called Bowlegs, relating to the war bc<- 
tween the United States and the Seminoles ? 

Ans. I heard the prisoner tell Bowlegs that he had sent 
letters to the prince regent, and expected soon to have an 
answer. Sometime afterwards, some of the negroes doubl¬ 
ed his carrying those letters, when the prisoner stated that 
he had, but, the distance being great, it. would take some¬ 
time to receive an answer. By the court. State to the court, 
when and where you first saw' the letter signed A. Arbuth- 
not, dated April 2d, 1818, referred to in the first specifica¬ 
tion and the 2d charge. 

Ans. About -the 6th of April, a black man who said he 
bad received it from an Indian, gave it to Mr. Ambrister, 
whom I saw reading it. 

Ques. by the court .—Do you know by what means that let¬ 
ter was convened to Suwany ? 

Ans. I understood by an Indian who was sent from 
fort St. Marks. 

Ques. by the court. —Who paid the Indian for carrying the 
letter referred to in the last interrogatory / 

Ans. I do not know. 

Ques. by the court .—What steps were taken by the ne¬ 
groes and Indians on the receipt of the letter ? 

Ans. They first believed the bearer to be an enemy, and 
confined him, but, learning the contrary, began to prepare 
for the enemy, and thg removal of their families and effects 
across the river ; the Indians lived on the opposite side. 

Ques. by ih e court .—Hid the Indians and negroes act to¬ 
gether in the performance of military duty ? 

Ans. No But they always said they would fight together 


316 


MEMOIRS OF 


Ques. by the court .—Did not Nero command the blacks, 
and did not Bowlegs own Nero, and was not the latter un¬ 
der the immediate command of Bowlegs? 

jins. Nero commanded the blacks, and was owned and 
commanded by Bowlegs—But there were some negro cap¬ 
tains who obeyed none but Nero. 

Ques. by the court .—What vessel brought to Suwany the 
.ammunition which you said was sold by the prisoner to the 
Indians and negroes ? 

Jins. The schooner Chance, uow lying at this wharf: sh'e 
T3 a foretopsail vessel belonging to the prisoner. 

The witness also identified to the manuscript of the pris¬ 
oner on the following documents, viz. No. 1, granting him 
full power to act in all cases for the Indians, as recorded 
before ; and also a letter without signature, to the governor 
of St. Augustine, numbered 2 ; and further, a letter w ithout 
date, to Mr. Mitchell, The Indian agent, numbered 3; and an 
unsigned petition of thu chiefs of the Lower Creek nation, 
to governor Cameron, praying his aid in men and munitions 
of war, numbered -! ; all of which the witness staled to be 
in the hand writing of the prisoner. 

EXTRACT OF PETITION NO. 4. 

Petition of the Chiefs of the Loxver Creek Nation , to 
Governor Cameron. 

We the undersigned, deputed by the Creek Nation to 
wait on your Excellency, and lay before you their heavy 
complaints. To the English, we h»\e always looked up to 
as friends, as protectors, and on them wo now cal! to aid us 
in repelling the approaches of the Americans. When peace 
was made between the English and the Americans, we were 
told by Lieut, Col. Nicholls, that the Americans we/e to 
give up all our lands they had taken from us. Col. Nich¬ 
olls left Mr. Harfibly in charge of the fort at Prospect Bluff; 
with orders to hear us, if any cause of complaint, and pre¬ 
sent the same to the British government; but he turned 
traitor, and brought the Americans down on the fort, which 
wa 3 blown up, and many of our red brethren destroyed in 
it. We are therefore deputed to demand of your Excellen¬ 
cy the assistance of troops and ammunition that we may be 
able effectually to repel the attack of the Americans, and 
prevent their further encroachments; and if we return 
without assistance, the Americans, who have their spies 
among us, will the more quickly come upon us. We most 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


317 


humbly pray your excellency will send us such a force as 
will be respected, and make us respectable. 

(The following endorsed on the foregoing.) 

Charles Cameron , Esquire > Governor , Commander in 

Chief , 4*c. 4*c. 

I beg leave to represent to yoiur excellency the necessity 
of my agaiu returning to the Indian Nation, with the depu¬ 
ties from the Chiefs, and as my trouble and expense can 
only be defrayed by permission to take goods to dispose of 
amongst them, I pray your Excellency will be pleased to 
grant me such a letter or license, as will prevent me from 
being captured in case of meeting any Spanish cruiser on 
the coast of Florida. 

The court adjourned to meet to-morrow morning at Q 
o’clock. 

Fort St. Marks, 28th April, 1818. 

The court convened pursuant to adjournment.—Present^ 
major general E. P. Gaines, president. 

Members. 


Colonel Dyer, 
lit. Col. Lindsev, 
Lt. Col. Elliott," 
Major Fanning, 
Major Minton, 
Capt. Crittenden. 


Col. King, 

Col. Williams, 

Lt. Col. Gibson 
Major Muhlenberg, 

Major Montgomery, 

Captain Vashon, 

Lt. J. M. Glassell, Recorder. 

When the further examination of the witness Peter B. 
Cook, took place, viz : 

Question by the prisoner .—How long have you been ac¬ 
quainted with the settlements on the Sahwahnee ? 

Ans. Between six and seven months. 

Ques. by the P. For what term of years did you engage 
to live with the prisoner? 

Ans. For no stated period—I was taken by the year. 

Ques. by the P. Were you not discharged by the prison¬ 
er from his employ ? 

A ns. He told me he had no further use for me after 1 had 
written the letters to Providence. 

Ques. Where did you stay after you were discharged ? 

Ans. 1 staid in a small house belonging to a boy called St. 
John, under the protection of Nero. 

Ques . What was the subject matter of the letters you 
wrote to Providence ? 

Ans. After being refused by the prisoner a small venture 
to Providence, I wrote my friends for the means to trade by 
irjFself, 


•313 


MEMOIRS OF 


Ques. by the prisoner. —Do you believe the prisoner ha> 
knowledge of the ventures being on board the schooner ? 

Ans. 1 don’t believe he did. It was small and in my 
trunk. 

Ques. by the P. Do you know that Ambrister was the 
agent of the prisoner ? 

Ans. I do not. 

Ques. Do you think that the powder and the lead ship¬ 
ped would more than supply the Indian and negro hun¬ 
ters ? 

Ans. I did not see the powder and lead myself, but was 
told by Bowlegs that he had a great quantity he had there 
keeping to fight with. 

Qucs. Did the Indians reside on the east side of the 
river ? 

Ans. They did. 

Ques. You were asked if the negroes and Indians, when 
the letter marked A. was communicated, did not take up 
arms: had they received information of the defeat of the 
Indians at Mickasuky prior to that time ? 

Ans. It was afterwards, I believe, they received the in¬ 
formation. 

Ques. Did not Bowlegs keep other powder than that got 
from the prisoner ? 

Ans. tie had some he got from the Bluff which w r as 
nearly done ; he said his hunters were always bothering him 
about powder. 

Ques. Did you state that at the time Ambristt r ascend¬ 
ed the river there was no other vessel at the mouth of the 
river ? 

Ans. There was none other there ; there was one had 
sailed. 

Ques. There is a letter A spoken of; how do you know 
that the son of the prisoner had that letter in his posses¬ 
sion ? 

A ns. I saw him with it, which he dropped, and a boy, 
called Johnj picked up and gave it to me. 

Ques. You stated that the Indians and negroes doubted 
the fidelity of the prisoner in sending letters to the pnnee 
regent—do you think the prisoner would have been pun¬ 
ished by them, had he not complied with their wishes ? 

A ns. I do not know. 

Ques. Do you believe the prisoner was compelled t: 
write the Indian communications ? 

Any. He was not compelled. 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


319 


Continuation of the m inutes of the proceedings of a special 

court whereof major general Gaines is president , convened 

bp order of the L 26th of April, 1818: 

Fort St. Marls , 27 th April , 1810, 

The court proceeded to the trial cf Robert C. Ambrister, 
i British subject, who, being asked if he had any objec¬ 
tions to any one of the members of the court, and replying 
in the negative, was arraigned on the following charges and 
specifications, viz. 

Charges against Robert C. Ambrister, now in custody , 
v/ho says he is a British subject. 

Charge 1st. Aiding, abetting, and comforting the enemy, 
supplying them with the means of war, he being a subject 
of Great Britain, at peace with the United States, and 
lately an officer in the British colonial marines. 

Specification 1st. That the said Robert C. Ambrister did 
give intelligence of the movements and operations of the 
American army between the 1st and 20th of March, 1818, 
and did excite them (the negroes and Indians) to war 
against the army of the United States, by sending their 
warriors to meet and fight the American army—whose gov¬ 
ernment was at peace and friendship with the United Stater' 
and all her citizens. 

Charge 2d. Leading and commanding the Lower Creeka 
in carrying on a war against the United States: 

Specification 1st. That the said Robert C. Ambrister, 
a subject of Great Britain, which government was in peac6 
and amity with the United States and all her citizens, did 4 
between the first of February and twentieth of March, 
1818. levy war against the United States, by assumin', 
command of (he Indians in hostility and open war with the 
United Sta^s, and orderding a party of them to meet the 
army of the United States and give them battle, as will 
appear by his letters to governor Cameron of New Provi¬ 
dence, dated 20ih March, 1818 which arc marked A, B, C, 
and D, and the testimony of Mr. Peter B. Cook and capt. 
Lewis, of the Schooner Chance. 

By order of the court, 

JtM. GLASSELL, Recorder 

To which charges and specifications, pleaded as follows-, 
viz. 

To the first charge and specification—JV dt guilty. 

To the second charge and specification —Guilty and jus¬ 
tification. 


3&> 


MEMOIRS OP 


The court adjourned 

o’clock. 


to meet to-morroow morning at T 
Fort St. Marks, 2Zth April 1818. 


The court met pursuant to adjournment. Present. 
Maj. gen. Gaines, President. 
Members, 


Col. King, 

Col. Williams. 

Lieut, col. Gibson, 

Maj. Muhlenberg, 
xMaj. Montgomery, 
Capt. Vashon, 

Lieut. 


Col. Dyer, 

Lieut, col. Lindsey, 
Lieut, col. Elliott, 
Maj. Fanning, 

Maj. Minton, 

Capt. Crittenden, 

J. M, Glassell, Recorder. 


The recorder then read to the court the following order, viz : 

Head Quarters Di vision of the South, Adj. Gen's. Office, 

St. Marks , 28th April , 1818. 

General Order. —Capt. Allison, of the 7th infantry, is de¬ 
tailed to form a supernumerary member of the special 
court now sitting at fort St. Marks. 

By order, ROBERT BUTLER, adj. gen. 

Pursuant to the above order, the supernumerary member 
took his seat. 

John Lewis Phenix, a witness on the part of the prosecu¬ 
tion being duly sworn, stated that, about the oth or 6th ot 
April, 1818, his vessel and himself having been captured by 
the prisoner, and he brought to Suwany as a prisoner, there - 
was an alarm among the negroes and Indians, create?! by 
teaming some news from Mickasuky, at which time the 
prisoner appeared active in sending orders and sending a 
detachment to meet the American army. The witness also 
stated that the prisoner appeared to be a person vested 
with authority among the negro leaders, and g%'e orders for 
their preparation for war, providing ammunition, &c. And 
that the leaders came to him for orders. The prisoner fur¬ 
nished them with powder and lead, and recommended to 
them the making of ball, &c. very quickly. The witness 
also stated that the prisoner occasionally dressed in uniform, 
with his sword ; and that, on th^ first alarm which he un¬ 
derstood was from Mickasuky, Py a negro woman, lie put 
on the uniform. 

The witness further stated, that, some time about the 
20th March, 1818, the prisoner, with an aimed body of ne¬ 
groes, (24 in number) came on board his vessel, and order¬ 
ed him to pilot them to fort £t. Marks, which, he stated, to 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


321 - 


intended to capture before the Americans could get there— 
threatening to hang the "witness if he did not obey. 

Ques. by the court. Did you ever understand cy whose 
authority, and for what purpose the accused came irdo the- 
country ? 

A ns. I h; te frequently heard him say, he came to attend 
to Mr. Woodbine’s business at the bay of Tamper. 

Ques. by the prisoner —Did I not tell you, when I came on 
board the schooner Chance, I wished you to pilot me to St. 
Marks, as I was informed that two Americans, by the names 
of Hambly and Doyle, were confined there, and I wished to 
have them relieved from their confinement ? 

A ns. You stated you wanted to get Hambly and Doyle 
from St. Marks. I do not know what were your intentions 
in so doing. 

Ques. Did I not tell you that I expected the Indians would 
fire upon me when arriving at St. Marks ? 

Ans. A on did not; you stated that you intended to take 
the fort, in the night by surprise. 

Ques. Did you see me give ammunition to the negroes and 
Indians ; and, if so, how much, and at what time ? 

Ans. 1 saw you give powder and lead to the negroes when 
you came cn board, and advised them to make balls ; and I 
saw you give liquor and paint to the Indians. 

Qii.es. Have you not often heard me say, between the 1st 
and 20th of April, that 1 would not have any thing to do 
with the negroes and Indians in exciting them to war with 
the United States ? * 

Ans. About the 15th of April,I heard you say' you would 
not have any thing to do with the negroes and Indians : I 
heard nothing about exciting them to war. 

Ques. Can you read writing? 

Ans. Not English writing. 

Ques. Did you not hear me say, when arriving at Suwany 
that I wished to be off immediately for Providence? 

Ans. I did not; after the alarm, you said you wished to 
be off for Tamper. 

Ques. Did you not say to the accused you wished to visit 
Mr. Arbuthnot, at his store on Suwany, and get provisions 
yourself ? 

Ans. I did not; I stated I wanted provisions. 

Ques. Did I send or command any Indians to go and fight 
the Americans 

Ans. 1 did not exactly know that you sent them; the In¬ 
dians-and negroes: were crowding before your door, and you 


322 


memoirs of 

were dividing the paint Lc. among them ; and I understood 
a party was going to march. 

Q ucs. Did i not give up the schooner to you in charge, as 
captain ? 

Ans. After our return from Suwany town, you directed 
me to take charge of her to go to Tamper. 

John I. Arbuthnot, a witness on the part of the prosecu¬ 
tion, being duly sworn, stated that some time about the 23d 
of March, the prisoner came with a body of negroes, partly 
armed, to his father’s store.on Suwany river, and told the 
witness lie had come to do justice to toe country, by taking 
the goods and distributing them among the negroes and In¬ 
dians—which the witness v.v the prisoner do : and that the 
prisoner stated to him, that lie had come to the country on 
Woodbine’s business, to see the negroes righted. The wit¬ 
ness has further known the prisoner to give orders to the 
negroes, and that, at his suggestion, a party was sent from 
Suwany to meet the Americans, to give them battle—which 
party returned on meeting the Mickasuky Indians in their 
flight. The witness also testified to the following letter 
marked A, and referred to in the specification of the second 
charge, as the writing of the prisoner. 

A 

Robert C.\lhd rlstcr to Governor Cameron. 

Sahvvahnee, near St. Mark’s Fort, 

March 30th, 181C 

Sir—I am requested particularly by all our Indian chiefs, 
to acquaint your excellency, that the Americans have com¬ 
menced hostilities with them two years ago, and have ad¬ 
vanced some considerable distance in this country, and are 
now making daily progress. They say they sent a number 
of letters to your excellency, but have never received one 
answer, which makes them believe that he never delivered 
them : and will oblige them much if you will let me know 
whether he did or not. The purport of the letters were, 
begging your excellency to be kind enough to send them 
down some gun powder, musket balls, lead, cannon, ae. as 
t hey are now completely out of those articles. The Amer¬ 
icans may- march through the whole territory in one month, 
and without arms, &e, they must surrender. Hillis Hajo, or 
Francis, the Indian chief, the one that was in England, tells 
me to let your excellency know, that the prince regent told 
him that, whenever he w'anted ammunition, your excellency 
would supply him with as much as he wanted. They beg me 


i 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


323 


to press upon jour excellency’s mind to send the above 
mentioned articles down by the vessel that brings this to you, 
as she will sail for this place immediately—ami let the 
prince regent know of their situation. Any letters that 
your excellency may send down, be good enough to direct 
to me, as they have great depondance in my writing. Any 
news that your excellency may have respecting them and 
America, wdl be doing a great favor to lei me know, that I 
may send among them. There is row a very large body of 
Americans and Indians, who I expect will attack us every 
day, and God only knows how it will be decided. But I 
must only say, this will be the last effort with us. ' here has 
been a body of Indians gone to meet them, and I have sent 
another party. I hope j r our excellency will be pleased to 
grant the favor they request. 

I have nothing further to add, but am, sir, with due re¬ 
spect, your obedient humble servant, 

ROBERT C. AMBR1STER. 

Question by the Prisoner. Did you hear me say that I 
came on Woodbine’s business? 

A ns. I did. 

Question by the Prisoner. Were not the negroes alluded 
to at Arbuthnot’s store before I armed ? 

Ans. No, you came with them. 

Peter 13. Cook, a witness on the part of the prosecution, 
being duly sworn, stated, that he never hhard the prisoner 
give any orders to negroes or Indians; that the prisoner dis¬ 
tributed Arbulhncfs goods, and also, paint to the negroes 
and Indians. 

Also, that some powder was brought from the vessel to 
Suwany by the prisoner, and distributed among Die negroes 
by Nero. Sometime in March, the prisoner took Arbuth¬ 
not’s schooner, and with an armed party of negroes, 24 in 
ntimber, set out for St. Marks, for the purpose of taking Ar¬ 
buthnot’s goods at that place, and stated that he would com¬ 
pel the commandant to deliver them up. On hearing of the 
approach of the American army the prisoner told the ne¬ 
groes it was useless to run, for if they ran any farther, they 
would be driven into the sea. 

The prisoner told the witness that he had been a lieuten¬ 
ant in the Kritish army? under Col. Nicholls. The prisoner 
was sent by Woodbine to Tamper, to see about those ne¬ 
groes he had left there. The prisoner told the witness that 
he had written a letter to governor Cameron, for ammuni¬ 
tion for the Indians some time in March, and also told the 
witness that he had a commission in the patriot army, under 


324 


MEMOIRS OF 


Me Gregor, and that he had expected a captaincy. The 
witness testified to the letters, marked A, B, C,and D, anc? 
referred to in the specification to the second charge, were in 
the hand writing, .of the prisoner, and one marked E. 

D 

From Robert C. Ambrister to Gov. Cameron , 

Suhwahnee, 20th March, 1818. 

Near Fort St. Marks. 

Sir—I am requested by Francis and all the Indian chiefs, 
to acquaint your excellency, that they are at war with the 
Americans, and have been some time back. That they 
are in great distress for want cf ammunition, balls, arms, &c. 
and have wrote by Mr. Arbuthnot several times, but they 
suppose he never delivers them to your excellency. You 
will oblige them much to let them know whether he did or 
not. 

I expect the Americans and Indians will attack us daily. 
I have sent a party of men to oppose them. They beg on 
me to press on your excellency’s mind to lay the situation of 
the country before the prince regent and ask for assistance. 

All news respecting them, your excellency will do a favor 
to let us know by the first opportunity, that I may make 
them acquainted. I have given directions to the captain to 
let your excellency know when the vessel will sail for this 
place. I hope your excellency will be pleased to send them 
the ammunition. I expect, if they do not procure some 
very shortly, that the Americans will march through the 
country. I have nothing further to add. 

I am, dear sir, your most obedient humble servant, 

ROBERT C. AMBRISTER 

E. 

From Robert C. Ambrister to Peter B. Cook. 

Mouth of the river. 

Dr. Cook : The boat arrived here about 3 o’clock oh 
Thursday: The wind has been ahead ever since; I have 
been down. The rudder e'f the vessel is in a bad condition ; 
but I will manage to have it done to night.. The wind,1 
am in hopes, will be fair in the morning, when I will get un¬ 
der weigh, and make all possible dispatch. I will make 
-old Lewis pilot me safe. If those Indians dont conduct 
themselves straight, I would use rigorous means with them 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


Beware of Mr. Jerry : I found him on board when I came* 
Keep a good look out. 1 have sent two kegs of powder and 
one bar of lead. 

Yours, &c. R. A. 

TUESDAY 3 O’CLOCK. 

Question by the prisoner. Did you not frequently hear 
me say that I would have nothing to do with the Indians in 
exciting them to war with the United States . ? 

Jins. I do not recollect. 

Question by the prisoner. Are you acquainted with Lewis 
Phenix, and have you not heard him express ill will against 
me, in consequence of my wishing him to pilot me to St. 
Marks ? 

Am. I never did. 

Ques. Do you know of my sending troops at any time to 
right against the United States ; and have I not been con 
stantly with you, so that you would have had an opportu¬ 
nity of knowing if there had been any sent by me ? 

An s'. I have not : they might have been sent without my 
knowledge. 

Jacob Harrison, a witness on the part of the prosecution, 
being duly sworn, that some time in the latter end of March, 
or first of April, the prisoner took possession of the schoon¬ 
er Chance, with an armed party of negroes, and stated his 
intentions of taking St. Marks. On his way thither, going 
ashore, he learned from some Indians that Arbuthnot had 
gone to St. Marks, which induced him to return. The 
witness also stated, that, while the prisoner- was on board, 
he had complete command of the negroes, who considered 
him as their captain. The prisoner took the cargo of the 
vessel up towards Suwany, which consisted of, with other 
articles, nine kegs of powder, and 500 pounds of lead. 

The evidence on both sides being closed, the prisoner was 
allowed until 5 o’clock this evening to make his defence. 

The time allowed the prisoner for the preparation of his 
defence, having expired, he was brought before the court, 
and made the defence marked M, which is attached to 
tbe«e proceedings. 

The court was then cleared, and the proceedings read 
over by the recorder, when, after due deliberation on the 
testimony brought forward, the court find the prisoner, Rob¬ 
ert C. Ambrister, guilty of so much of the specification to 
the first charge, as follows, viz. “ and did excite them to war 
with the United States ; by sending their w’arriors to meet 
and fight the American army, he being a subject of Great 

£8 


326 


MEMOIRS OF 


Britain, which government was at peace and friendship 
with the United States, and all her citizens ; but not guilty 
of the other part of the specification ; guilty of the first 
charge ; guilty of the specification of the second charge, 
and guilty of the second charge ; and do, therefore, sentence 
the prisoner, Robert C. Ambrister, to suffer death , by being 
shot , two-thirds of the court concurring therein. 

One of the members of the court requesting a reconsidera¬ 
tion of his vote on the sentence, the sense of the court was 
taken thereon, and decided in the affirmative, when the vote 
was again taken, and the court sentence the prisoner to re¬ 
ceive fifty stripes on his bare back, and be confined with a 
ball and chain to hard labour, for twelve calendar months. 

The court adjourned, sine die. 

EDMUND P. GAINES, 

Major-General by brevet, President of the Court. 

J. M. Glassell, Recorder. 

Defence M. 

Fort St. Marks April 28th, 1818. 
The United States of America, 
rs. 

Pvobert Christy Ambrister, 

Who, being arraigned before a special Court Martial, 
upon the following charges, to wit : 

1st. Aiding, abetting, and comforting [the Indians ;] sup¬ 
plying them with the means of war, he being a subject of 
Great-Britain, at peace with the United States, and lately 
an officer in the British colonial marines. 

Charge 2d. Leading and commanding the lower Creek 
Indians in carrying on war against the United States. 

To the first charge the prisoner at the bar pleads not 
guilty, and, as to the second charge, he pleads guilty, and 
justification. The prisoner at the bar feels grateful to this 
honourable court for their goodness in giving him a suffi¬ 
cient time to deliberate, and arrange his defence on the 
above charges. 

The prisoner at the bar, here avails himself of the op¬ 
portunity of stating to this court, that, inasmuch as the tes¬ 
timony which was introduced in this ,case, was very expli¬ 
cit, and went to every point the prisoner could w r ish, he 
has nothing further to offer in his defence, but puts himself 
upon the mercy of the honourable court. 

ROBERT C. AMBRISTER. 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


>27 


HEAD-QUARTERS, Division of the South. 

ADJUTANT GENERAL’S OFFICE, 

Camp 4 miles north of St. Marks, April 29th, 1818. 
GENERAL ORDER. 

At a special court martial, commenced on the 26th insl. 
at St. Marks, and continued until the night of the 28th, of 
which brevet Major-General E. P. Gaines is President, was 
tried A. Arbuthnot, on the following charges and specifica¬ 
tions, viz : 

Charge 1st. Exciting and stirring up the Creek Indians 
to war against the United States and her citizens, he, A. Ar¬ 
buthnot, being a subject of Great-Britain, with whom the 
United States are at peace. 

Charge 2d. Acting as a spy ; aiding, abetting, and com¬ 
forting the enemy, and supplying them with the means of 
war. 

Charge 3d. Exciting the Indians to murder and destroy 
William Hambly and Edmund Doyle, confiscate their prop¬ 
erty, and causing their arrest, with a view to their condem¬ 
nation to death, and the seizure of their property, they be¬ 
ing citizens of Spain, on account of their active and zeal¬ 
ous exertions to maintain peace between Spain, the United 
States, and the Indians. 

To which charges the prisoner pleaded not guilty. 

The court, after mature deliberation on the evidence ad¬ 
duced, find the prisoner A. Arbuthnot, guilty of the first 
charge, and guilty of the second charge, leaving out the 
words “ acting as a spy and, after mature reflection, 
sentence him, A. Arbuthnot, to be suspended by the neck, until 
he Is dead. 

Was also tried, Robert C. Ambrister, on the following 
charges, viz. 

Charge 1st. Aiding, abetting, and comforting the enemy, 
and supplying them with the means of war, he being a sub¬ 
ject of Great-Britain, who are at peace with the United 
States, and late an officer in the British colonial marines. 

Charge 2d. Leading and commanding the lower Creek 
Indians in carrying on a war against the United States. 

To which charges the prisoner pleaded as follows : to 
the 1st charge, not guilty ; to the 2d charge, guilty, and jus¬ 
tification. 

'I’he court, on examination of evidence, and on mature 
deliberation, find the prisoner, Robert C. Ambrister, guilty 
of the 1st and 2d charges ; and do, therefore, sentence him 
to suffer death , by being shot. The members requesting a 
reconsideration of the vote on this sentence, and it being 


MEMOIRS Oi 


3 28 

had, they sentence the prisoner to receive fifty stripes en hi? 
bare back, and be confined with a ball and chain, to hard 
labour, for twelve calendar months. 

The Commanding General approves the finding and sen¬ 
tence of the court in the case of A. Arbuthnot, and approves 
the finding and first sentence of the court in the case of Rob¬ 
ert C. Ambrister, and disapproves the re-consideration ot 
rhe sentence of tire honourable court in this case. 

It appears, from the evidence and pleading of the pris¬ 
oner, that he did lead and command within the territory 
of Spain, (being a subject of Great-Britain,) the Indians 
in war against the United States, those nations being at 
peace. It is an established principle of the Jaws of nations, 
that any individual of a nation making war against the 
citizens of any other nation, they being at peace, forfeits his 
allegiance, and becomes an outlaw and pirate. This is the 
case of Robert C. Ambrister, clearly shewn by the evidence 
adduced. 

The Commanding General orders that brevet Major 
\. C. W. Fanning, of the corps of artillery, will have, be¬ 
tween the hours of 8 and 9 o’clock A. M. A. Arbuthno.t 
suspended by the neck with a rope, nntil he is dead , and 
Robert C. Ambrister to be shot to death , agreeable to the 
sentence of the court. 

John James Arbuthnot will be furnished with a passage 
to Pensacola, by the first vessel. 

The special court, of which brevet Major-General E. P 
Gaines is President, is dissolved. 

By order of Major-General Jackson. 

ROBERT BUTLER, Adjutant-General. 


Many British prints, and what excites rather 
pity than indignation, many American prints, 
have bestowed upon the administration, and Gen. 
Jackson, the most opprobiou3 epithets, for their 
proceedings in relation to the capture of St. Marks 
and Pensacola, and the execution of Arbuthnot 
and Ambrister ! The justice of heaven is often re¬ 
cognized in bringing the solitary murderer, to jus - 
tice ; and although it is ever a solemn scene, hu¬ 
man tribunals are justified in inflicting it. Is it 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


329 


because these miscreants occasioned blood to flow 
from hundreds of bosoms, that they are to be screen¬ 
ed from punishment ? They were murderers, iu 
the strictest sense of the word. Britain and Spain, 
were both at peace with America ; they therefore 
could not claim the rights of prisoners of war 
They lived by the knife, the tomahawk, and the 
musket, and they justly expiated their crimes upon 
the gibbet. 

The Seminolcs had been conquered ; their pow¬ 
er broken ; their warriors dispersed ; and their in¬ 
stigators punished. At the very moment when 
Gen. Jackson, was about to discharge his army, in¬ 
formation was received by him, that many recent 
murders had been “ committed on the Alabama , by 
a parly of the enemy from Pensacola , where they 
were furnished with provisions and ammunition by a 
friendly power /”* 

Governcur Joseph Jllasot , had succeeded Gon¬ 
zalez Manrequez , in the gubernatorial authority of 
Florida ; but although there was a change of men t 
there was no alteration in measures. The hostile 
savages were still fostered, armed, and instigated to 
war, in the capital of Florida. Gen. Jackson, re¬ 
solved again to “ carry our arms where he found our 
enemies.” t Encountering hardships and privations 
which he and the Tennessee Volunteers, had for 
years encountered, they moved towards Pensacola. 
Conscious of having incurred the just vengeance oi 

:V: Vide Gen. Jackson’s address to his army, 29th May, 1818., 
* Vide Chap. xii. 

28 * 


330 


MEMOIRS OF 


the American government and army, the governour 
remonstrated against the procedure, in order to lay 
a foundation for a little more negociation with his 
“ adored master but Gen. Jackson had no other 
power of negociating with Masot, than he had with 
Manrequez —“ from the mouths of his cannon 
He entered Pensacola without opposition. The 
governour, his retinue, and his forces retired to^the 
fortress of Barancas , which had been repaired, at 
immense expense, since the explosion in the last 
war. It was here, that the American forces ex¬ 
pected the most determined opposition, from the 
superiour advantages that the Spaniards possessed. 
But “ he is doubly arm'd who hath his quarrel just 
The garrison held out but one day, and surrender¬ 
ed upon the 28th May. The articles of capitula¬ 
tion are before the public, and are too long to be 
here inserted. 

Upon the 29th May, Gen. Jackson commences 
his orders—“ Head-quarters, Division of the South , 
Pensacola .”—Speaking of the possession of this 
place, he says—“ he has not been prompted to this 
measure from a wish to extend the territorial limits 
of the United States .” Alluding to the Spanish treaty, 
and the Spanish violation of it, he says—“ helpless 
women have been butchered, and the cradle stained 
with the blood of innocence I” He assigned the 
command of Pensacola to Col. King, “ as military 
and civil governour,” and prepared to retire to his 
©Id head quarters at Nashville. * He arrived there, 

* Vide Chap, xi. 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


331 


late in June, and was received by a deputation of 
citizens, among whom was his gallant associate, 
Gen. Carroll. 

From that time to the present, (Nov. 1818,) Gen. 
Jackson has been assiduously engaged in the im¬ 
portant duties devolved upon him, as “ commander 

IN CHIEF OF TIIE DIVISION OF THE SOUTH.” 


CONCLUSION. 

Incidents of Gen. Jackson’s life—his character. 

IN concluding these Memoirs, I cannot omit to 
insert a few incidents of Gen. Jackson’s life, which 
are not yet embraced in them. 

When sitting as judge of the supreme Court of 
Tennessee, an atrocious culprit escaped from the 
custody of the sheriff ; seized a loaded musket 
with a bayonet - } placed himself in the angle of 
two stone walls, and swore he would shoot the 
first, and bayonet the second man that attempted 
to take him. The sheriff ordered ten men, as 
assistants, but they dared not approach him. The 
sheriff reported the fact to the judge. “ Summon 
100 men then,” said judge Jackson. It was done ; 
but they also feared to arrest him. Upon a second 
report—Summon me then,” said the judge. It 
was done. He descended from the bench—ap¬ 
proached the culprit with a stern countenance, and 


332 


MEMOIRS OF 


dignified firmness—seized the muaket with one 
hand, the culprit with the other, and handed him 
to the sheriff. 

In the most gloomy period of the Creek war, 
when Gen. Jackson’s little army was in imminent 
danger from the savages, and still more alarmed 
at the almost certain prospects of famine ; when 
an alarming despondency pervaded the hearts of 
those brave men, who would face death in its most 
horrible forms, the general invited a number of 
his officers to breakfast with him. They repaired 
to his marquee, and found him sitting, with digni¬ 
fied composure, under a wide spreading oak, which 
had produced an abundant crop of acorns. “ Sit 
down, gentlemen,” said the general, “ this is my 
breakfast, and it is all I have to serve you with ; 
hut a soldier never despairs. Heaven will bless 
our vcause—will preserve us from famine, and re¬ 
turn us home conquerors.” The officers return¬ 
ed to their tents with encreasing admiration of 
their general ; adhered to him to the end of the 
war ; and saw his predictions verified. 

The troops before New Orleans embraced many 
of the first young gentlemen, in point of talents, 
education, family and fortune, in the states of 
Kentucky, Tennessee, Louisiana, and Mississippi : 
and among them were, of course, many of a rougher 
character. The pleasant raillery, which is the 
very zest of life, when played off by one gentle¬ 
man upon another, was unfortunately practised 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


ypon a captain of a company, who took it in high 
dudgeon. In imitation of the names of Indian 
chiefs, his men called him Capt. Flat-Foot . He re¬ 
monstrated against it to Gen. Jackson, who plea¬ 
santly remarked—“ Really Captain, it is difficult 
getting along with those gay young fellows ; but so 
long as they toil at the lines with such vigour, and 
fight the enemy with such courage, we officers must 
overlook a little innocent levity. Why, Captain, 
they call me Old Hickory ; and if you prefer my 
title to your’s, I will readily make an exchange.” 
The Captain retired, proud of the title of Capt. 
Flat-foot. 

Pages might be filled in relating interesting 
anecdotes, and incidents of Gen. Jackson, which 
would clearly show, that although austere dignity 
is his predominating characteristic, he still posses¬ 
ses the most amiable and benevolent heart. But the 
work is already extended much beyond the original 
design of it. One subject, however, must not be 
omitted ; that of duelling. That Gen. Jackson has 
a number of times, entered the field of single com¬ 
bat , is not disputed ; but that he ever entered it 
the aggressor , is must unequivocally denied. That 
he has that susceptibility which is always a con¬ 
comitant with genius and greatness is admitted ; 
but that he ever wantonly provoked an honourable 
man to resort to the sword or pistol for redress, 
is inadmissible. Gen. Jackson respects his fellow 
men, according to their merits ; and he respects 


334 


MEMOIRS OF 


himself according to his own. He is never guilty 
of insulting with wantonness, and will never be in¬ 
sulted with impunity. 

If Gen. Jackson, in repelling and punishing the 
rude attacks that have been made on his fame and 
his honour, has resorted to a mode of redress, not 
sanctioned by the laws of his country, it is a mode 
which legislatures have hitherto been unable to 
restrain. 

In concluding these memoirs, I attempt with deep 
solicitude, briefly to pourtray the exalted character 
who is the subject of them. 

ANDREW JACKSON was born a great man— 
he was born free. The first dawning of his intellect, 
elicited the independence of his spirit. As if his 
youthful blood instinctively glowed with indigna¬ 
tion, at the miseries his ancestors had sustained from 
abused power, the first signal act of his life was 
performed in resisting it. Intuitively great, he 
exploxed the regions of science with the rapidity 
of thought. Acute in observation, he studied men 
as he mingled with them. Aspiring in his views, 
he sought for a capacious field as the scene of his 
exertions. He entered the stage of life entirely 
alone. With no extrinsic advantages to raise him 
into life, he sought no aid out of himself, and he 
received no aid but what he commanded by his own 
energy. A theoretical and practical statesman, he 
led the people of Tennessee, to the adoption of a 
constitution, to give permanency to their civil rights 


ANDREW JACKSON. 


335 


—A soldier from boy-hood, he led his fellow citizens 
to the frontiers, to preserve them from devastation, 
and the settlers from massacre. Unsatisfied with 
a minor station, every step he gained in his ascent 
to the temple of fame, gave him new vigour in as¬ 
cending still. He became a senator of the Ameri¬ 
can Republic ; and to shew the world that his great¬ 
ness was not derived from his official elevation, he 
retired to the post of“ honour—a private station.” 

When the olive of peace ceased to wave over 
the republic, and the clarion of war assailed the 
ears of her citizens, his military character suddenly 
developed itself. Enjoying the tranquil charms of 
domestic felicity, the soothing suggestions of inac¬ 
tivity urged him to rest. Rut he was born for his 
country—his country was endangered—its hopes 
were fixed upon him, and he espoused its cause. 

Devoted to the cause of his country from princi¬ 
ple, he scarcely breathed, after subjugating a savage 
foe, before he thundered defiance to the conquerors 
of the Old World. Upon the banks of the majestic 
Mississippi, he soared before his enemies, in sheets 
of fire—he rendered every defile a Thermopylae , and 
every plain an Amarathon. 

He is deeply versed in the science of human na¬ 
ture—hence he is rarely deceived in the confidence 
he reposes in his friends, and knows well how to 
detect his enemies. The first he loves, and sets 
the last at defiance. In the discharge of official 
duties, he imparts dignity to the office, and secures 


MEMOIRS OF &C. 


33t> 

respect to himsell—in the circles of private life, he 
is affable, without descending to low familiarity. 

In his person, he is above the ordinary height, 
elegantly formed, but of very spare habit. But. 
“ toil has strung his nerves , and purified his blood , 
and he can bear any fatigue within the power of 
human endurance. The features of his face have 
that striking peculiarity, which immediately at¬ 
tracts attention. His large, dark blue eyes, are 
settled deep under prominent arching eye brows, 
which he can clothe in frowns to repel an enemy, 
and dress in smiles to delight his friends—his whole 
person shows that he was born to command. 

In fine, he is loved by his friends— respected by 
his enemies—the favourite of his country, and the 
admiration of the world. 





















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